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CLASS NOTES 



ON 



THE OLD TESTAMENT 



REVISED IN 



902. 



BY 



WILLIS JUDSON BEECHER, 



PROFESSOR OF THE HEBREW LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE 

IN THE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY OF AUBURN 

IN THE STATE OF NEW YORK. 



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PKE55 or 

JA5. W. DURROUQM3 

AUBURN, N. Y. 



THE tJ8«A«Y ©F 

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Copyright, 1902, 
By Willis J. Beecher. 



CONTENTS. 



THE PROPHETS AND THE PROMISE. 



Lects. I-XI. The Prophets of Israel 
Lects. XII-XXIV. Messianic Prophecy 



PAGE 

I 
23 



11. 



OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES, REVISION OF 1901. 



Lect. I. Scope. Divisions 

Lect. II. The Secondary Sacred Literature 



page 
47 
5i 



PART I. 

The Old Testament from A. D. 1900 back to 400 B. C. 

Lects. III-VII. Back to the Son of Sirach .... 
Lect. VIII. The Contact of Israel with the Greeks 

Lect. IX. The Septuagint 

Lect. X. The Men of the Great Synagogue .... 

Lect. XI. Dates and Historical Setting 

Lects. XII-XIV. The Completing of the Old Testament 



54 
70 
72 

77 
79 
84 



PART II. 

The Old Testament from its Beginnings 

Lects. XV-XVII. Preliminary Topics 
Lects. XVIII-XIX. The Hexateuch .... 
Lects. XX-XXIIi. The Second Literary Period 
Lects. XXIV-XXVIII. The Third Literary Period 
Lects. XXIX-XXX. The Fourth Literary Period 
Lects. XXXI-XXXIV. The Text and Text Criticism 



96 

105 
112 
122 

131 

136 



IV 



CONTENTS 



III. 



HEXATEUCHAL QUESTIONS. 



Lect. I. Preliminary 

Lects. II-VII. The Testimony and its Corroborations 
Lects. VIII-IX. Modern View. Validity of the Evidence 
Lects. X-XIV. Argument from Israelitish Institutions 
Lects. XV- XVI. Argument from Postmosaic Elements 
Lects. XVII-XXII. The Partition. Its Evidential Value 
Lect. XXIII. Conclusions 



PAGE 

153 
156 
170 

175 
187 
191 
198 



IV. 



OLD TESTAMENT CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 



Lects. I-III. Preliminary Topics 

Lects. IV-XV. The Forming of Israelitish Institutions 
Lects. XVI-XXIII. Period of the Changing Sanctuary 
Lects, XXIV-XXXVII. Period of Fixed Sanctuary 
Lects. XXXVIII-XLI. Period of Restored Sanctuary 



PAGE 

205 

215 
236 

257 
282 



PREFACE. 

For many years I have, as occasion required, prepared 
syllabi for use in my classes — at first making copies with 
electric pen or with hektograph, and, later, using printed 
copies. In 1897 I found it convenient to bind the syllabi into 
a volume, and obtain copyright. The supply being exhausted, 
the present revised edition has been prepared. Half the 
material or more has been re- written, a new arrangement of it 
has been made, and many errors eliminated, but the whole 
continues to be merely a collection of notes for class use. 
They are readable or intelligible only to such persons as care 
to do the work marked out in them. 

The point of view from which they are written is indicated 
on pages 1-2, 49-51, 207-209. I have no apology to make for 
the fact that they are mainly studies in the Old Testament 
itself, the Old Testament in the form in which it has come 
down to us from its final authors. Whoever these final 
authors were, and whatever the sources whence they drew, the 
literary work they did still lives, after more than two thousand 
years. This fact is in itself sufficient proof of their greatness. 
It is the scripture in the form in which they left it, not in some 
different form, which has so wonderfully influenced the world 
from then until now ; and the scripture which has thus in- 
fluenced the world is the scripture which has especial claims on 
our attention. It is the present fashion in scholarship to at- 
tempt to go back of their work, readjusting the materials they 
used. But whatever readjustments may in the future be ac- 
cepted, their work will never cease to have an importance of 
its own, in virtue of which it is worthy of being understood. 



VI PREFACE. 

Farther, unless we first understand their work we are not 
qualified to form the judgments requisite to a correct textual 
or literary criticism of it, or to the reconstruction of it. 
Neither the older nor the newer critical traditions now pre- 
valent have been based on a sufficiently careful study of the 
scriptures as they stand ; and for lack of this much of the 
current criticism is very weak. Still further, the final authors 
of the Old Testament had fuller information than we, and we 
cannot afford to ignore the judgments they formed on the 
various questions that arise. In the light of these and like 
considerations, the restudy of the existing contents of the Old 
Testament is seen to be, not a thing relatively rudimentary 
and unimportant, but a line of investigation of the highest 
consequence. 

Auburn Seminary, January 1902. 



THE PROPHETS AND THE PROMISE. 

REVISION OF 1900. 



THE PROPHETS OF ISRAEL. 



Auburn Seminary Elective, First Term, i900—0t^ 



LECTURE I. 
Pkeliminary. 



1. The subject. — This course of lectures treats of The Proph- 
ets OF Israel as Described in the Old Testament : the 
men themselves, their surroundings, their personal appear- 
ance, habits, and functions, with other like matters concern- 
ing them. 

2. Sources of information. — The only direct source is the 
Old Testament. The indirect sources are, first, the IS'ew Testa- 
ment and other later writings ; and second, analogies drawn 
from other religions or from later times. 

3. Method of study. — The first few minutes of each hour 
will be given to a review of the previous lecture, after which 
the subject in advance will be treated in either a lecture or a 
bible reading. The principal thing attempted will be to bring 
out clearly what the Old Testament says on the subject in 
hand. In preparing the lesson from the notes, all scripture 
references are to be studied, as well as the printed text of the 
notes. At the close of the course, a general review will be 
had, using the test questions printed at the close of the notes. 
There will also be a written examination, in which answers 
will be required to a certain number of these test questions, 
selected by the professor. It is recommended that each 
student, as we proceed, prepare a definitely written answer to 
each of the test questions. 



THE PROPHETS AND THE PROMISE. 



A list of works on the subject is given below. It is required 
that each student read at least one of these works with sufficient 
care to enable him to give a general statement of its contents, 
and an estimate of the work, in the final examination. 

4. The need of original stvdy. — To some this programme 
will seem exceedingly simple and rudimentary. They would 
think it a greater thing to read many books, in different lan- 
guages, and discuss the bearing of their contents on the sub- 
ject in hand. But no amount of reading can supersede the 
necessity of examining for ourselves the direct evidence in the 
case. And just this has been more neglected than anything 
else, in dealing with the subject of the prophets of Israel. 
Men of learning as well as others have neglected it. We must 
do this first of all, and do it with care, or all other study of 
the subject will be of little value to us. 

5. The provisionally historical point of view. — The best 
way to put the question is this : what manner of men were 
the prophets, supposing the statements of the Old Testament 
concerning them to be historically correct ? In this provisional 
form, we have a right to proceed with our investigation with- 
out delaying to settle disputed points in regard to the data 
used. And we shall surely test the data as we advance. If 
they are not trustworthy, we shall find it out. If they are 
trustworthy, we shall see them to be so, and shall thus trans- 
form our provisional results into final results. 

6. Reasons for taking an interest in this subject. — a. It 
is important in itself, h. By such a study we test the char- 
acter of the Old Testament as a source of evidence, c. The 
study is important as contributory to Old Testament criticism. 
d. Most important of all, the prophets were the men through 
whom the promise and the doctrine of the Messiah was made 
known in Israel, and to the world. 

7. Works on the subject of the Prophets. — Such works are 
very numerous. Head with care at least one of the following : 
The article ' ' Projjhet ' ' in Smith' s Bible Dictionary, or that 
in McClintock and Strong's Cyclopoedia, or in the Hastings 
Dictionary of the Bible, or in the Encyclopoedia Biblica ; The 



TERMS FOR PROPHETIC FUNCTIONS. 



Prophets of Israel, by W. Robertson Smith, with reply by 
Wm. H. Green in the volume Moses and the Prophets ; Old 
Testament Prophecy, by Charles Elliott ; Old Testament Proph- 
^c?/, by Conrad Yon Orelli ; Messianic Prophecy, by C. A. 
Briggs ; The Prophets of Israel, by Cornill ; History, Proph- 
ecy, and the Monumentf^, by J. F. Mc Curdy. 



LECTURE II. 
The Terms Used in DESCRiBiNa the Prophetic Fui^ctioi^. 

8. The English word prophet. — It is the Greek irpo^riTr}^ 
from TT/oo and cf)r]/jLL. It denotes, not one who speaks beforehand, 
but one who speaks forth, speaks publicly. The prophet, 
however, always speaks for another, ordinarily for Deity. He 
makes known the message which Deity has given him, and 
which would otherwise have remained unknown. The thing 
thus uttered may be a prediction, but the verb prophesy does 
not signify to predict. Look up the matter in Cremer, Thayer, 
Liddell and Scott, the Century Dictionary, Skeat's Etymolog- 
ical Dictionary, etc. 

9. Hehreiv words for prophet. — a. Nahhi, from the stem 
nabha. The words of this stem are used in every part of the 
Old Testament, and are uniformly translated prophet, proph- 
ecy, prophesy. The derivation is conjectural, but usage 
shows that the meaning is virtually the same with that of the 
English word. There are some hundreds of instances. See 
concordance. h. Roeh, active participle of the verb raah. 
Translated seer, the verb being the one commonly used for the 
ordinary act of seeing. The terms roeh and nahhi are exchange- 
able, the only difference being in the form of thought. Roeli 
thus used appears in the literature from the time of Samuel to 
that of Isaiah. In Samuel's time, it temporarily displaced 
nahhi as the word of common use (1 Sam. ix. 9, 10, 11, 18, 19, 
2 Sam. XV. 27, 1 Chron. ix. 22, xxvi. 28, xxix. 29, 2 Chron. 
xvi. 7, 10, Isa. xxx. 10). c. Hozeh, active participle of the 



THE PROPHETS AND THE PROMISE. 



verb hazah. Translated seer, like the previous word. In the 
Aramaic, hazah is the ordinary verb for seeing ; in Hebrew it 
is less used, and mainly in cases where insight or thoughtful 
seeing is required. The noun hozeh, denoting a prophet, is 
used from David's time on, and in the later times supersedes 
roeh (2 Sam. xxiv. 11, 1 Chron. xxi. 9, xxv. 5, xxix. 29, 
Amos vii. 12, Mic. iii. 7, 2 Ki. xvii. 13, etc.). d. The phrase 
"man of God," ish elohim or ish ha-elohim, occurs often in 
the Old Testament, as the equivalent of nabhi, and is probably 
never employed except in this use (Deut. xxxiii. 1, Josh. xiv. 
6, and concordance), e. In addition, a prophet is sometimes 
called an "angel" of Yahweh (e. g. Hag. i. 13), or a servant 
of Yahweh, or a shepherd, or a watchman, etc., but these 
terms are properly figures of speech. As to the differences 
between the terms commonly used, see Lecture YIII. 

10. Hebrew words for prophetic functions. — a. The verb 
nabha,and nouns of the same stem, translated prophesy, proph- 
ecy, b. The verb raah in the qal (Isa. xxx. 10, Dan. viii. 2, 
x. 8, etc.); in the hiphil (Am. vii. 1, 4, 7, viii. 1, etc.); in the 
niphal (Gen. xii. 7, xvii. 1, Ex. iii. 2, 1 Ki. ix. 2, etc.); the 
nouns mar^eh and mar'' ah of the same stem, translated vision 
or appearance (Ezek. i. 26, 27, viii. 2, 4, xi. 24, Dan. viii. 15, 
16, etc., Dan. x. 7, 8, Gen. xlvi. 2, 1 Sam. iii. 15, etc.). c. The 
verb hazah and several nouns of the same stem, translated 
see, vision, etc. (Isa. i. 1, ii. 1, Lam. ii. 14, Am. i. 1, Zech. x. 
2, Num. xxiv. 4, 16, etc., 1 Sam. iii. 1, 1 Chron. xvii. 15, etc., 
Gen. XV. 1, Ezek. xiii. 7, etc.). d. "The word of the Loed," 
and occasionally " the word of God," d'bhar yahweh, dbhar 
elohim^ d'bhar ha elohim. This phrase commonly, and per- 
haps always, describes a message given by God through a 
prophet (Isa. i. 10, ii. 3, 1 Ki. xvii. 2, 8, 16, 24, 1 Sam. iii. 1, 
21, XV. 23, 26, Gen. xv. 1, 4, Ex. ix. 20, 21, etc., 1 Sam. ix. 
27, 2 Sam. xvi. 23). e. Massa, burden, is used to denote a 
prophecy of a certain kind, from the days of Elisha and later 
(2 Ki. ix. 25, Isa. xiii. 1, xiv. 28, xv. 1, xvii. 1, Ezek. xii. 10, 
2 Chron. xxiv. 27, etc.). In Prov. xxx. 1, xxxi. 1, the old 
version translates massa by prophecy. /. Hittiph, to let drop. 



THE HISTORY OF THE PROPHETS. 



is used for propliesying in Mic. ii. 6, 11, and is so translated. 
These instances and Isa. xxx. 10 are the only instances where 
the versions use "prophesy" for any other Hebrew stem than 
mibha. g. The formula "thus saith Yahweh " is commonly 
applied to a prophetic utterance (e. g. Jer. ii. 2, 5, iv. 3). h. 
The entirely different formula "utterance of Yahweh," ?i'iim 
Yahweh, is also in the English versions translated ' ' saith the 
Lord," Jer. i. 8, 15, 19, etc.). These formulas are used hun- 
dreds of times. 

11. Degrees of comprehension in the use of these terms. — 
These terms are applied : a. To persons who are better known 
as prophets than in any other capacity, Samuel, Elisha, or 
Isaiah, for example ; but many of these were eminent as 
priests, statesmen, and the like. b. To persons who are better 
known in some other capacity than as prophets ; these we will 
call prophetic men, for distinction's sake. Some of them, as 
Moses the legislator, or David the king, rank very high in 
prophetic gifts, c To those who are also called the sons of 
the prophets, d. Perhaps, in secondary senses, to denote 
raving, for example, 1 Sam. xviii. 10. But see also Qu. 26, 



LECTURE III. 
The History of the Prophets. 

12. Divisions. —The New Testament writers count the suc- 
cession of the prophets as beginning, in some sense, with 
Samuel (Acts iii. 24). But they also count the prophets as in 
existence "since the world began" (Luke i. 70, Acts iii. 22, 
vii. 37, Jude 14). This agrees, as we shall find, with the Old 
Testament account. This fact determines the division of the 
history of the prophets. The times before Samuel, though 
many centuries long, form one period ; the times after Samuel 
are those of the pre- literary prophets, in two periods, and 
those of the literary prophets (meaning those whose names 
are attached to the present prophetic books) in four periods. 
We thus have seven periods in all. 



THE PROPHETS AND THE PROMISE. 



13. First period. — From the beginniixg to the death of Eli. 
At its close prophecy is represented to have been nearly ex- 
tinct (1 Sam. ix. 9, iii. 1), though not quite so (1 Sam. ii. 27, 
iii. 7-8). It has been inferred that there was no prophecy 
before Samuel, but this inference differs from the representa- 
tions of the bible. These are to the effect that the patriarchs 
{not to go further back) exercised prophetic gifts ; that such 
gifts were abundant in the time of Moses ; that they continued 
to be exercised during the time between Moses and Samuel. 

14. The pair ia7xhs were prophets. — a. Abraham is called 
a prophet (Gen. xx. 7 cf . Ps. cv. 15, 1 Chron. xvi. 22) h. The 
word of Yahweh came to him in vision (Gen. xv. 1, 4). c. 
Yahweh often ''appeared" to him (xii. 7, xvii. 1, xviii. l,etc.). 
d. Isaac and Jacob had similar experiences (xxvi.2, 24,xxxi.ll, 
XXXV. 9, xlvi. 2). 

15. Prophetic gifts abounded in the time of Moses. — a. 
In the history, the stem nabha occurs seventeen times, b. 
Moses is spoken of as the greatest of prophets (Hos. xii. 13, 
Deut. xxxiv. 10, xviii. 15, 18, Num. xii. 6-8, etc.). c. He is 
called "man of God" (Deut. xxxiii. 1, Josh. xiv. 6, Ezra iii. 
2). d. Yahweh appeared to him (Ex. iii. 2, 16). e. He and 
others had visions (Num. xii. 6-8). /. Miriam was a prophet- 
ess (Ex. XV. 20). g. Eldad, Medad and others prophesied 
(Num. xi. 25-29). h. It is represented that laws for prophets 
were given, and mention made of prophetic functions, such as 
to show that prophets were something well known in that 
generation (Deut. xiii. 1, 3, 5 [2, 4, 6], xviii. 15, 18, 20, 22, 
Ex. vii. 1, Num. xxiv. 4, 16, etc.). 

16. Prophets in the time of the judges. — Deborah (Jud. 
iv, 4 ; the prophet (vi. 8); the man of God (Jud. xiii. 6, 8, 10, 
11, 1 Sam. ii. 27); the "appearing" of the Angel (Jud. vi. 12, 
xiii. 6, 8); the word of Yahweh scarce (1 Sam. iii. 1). 

17. Second period. — That of Samuel, David, and Solomon. 
Samuel to the disruption. About 160 years, though the chro- 
nology is disputed. The distinguished prophets and prophetic 
men were Samuel, Gad, David, Nathan, Zadok, Asaph, Heman, 
Ethan or Jeduthun, Solomon, Ahijah, Shemaiah, Jedo. By 



THE HISTORY OF THE PROPHETS, 



the help of a concordance, look up the history of each. That 
David and Solomon were prophetic men aj)pears from such 
passages as Neh, xii. 24, 2 Chron. viii, 14, iii. 1, 1 Sam. xvi, 
13, etc., and 1 Ki. iii. 5, ix. 2, etc. See Acts ii, 30. 

There was a great revival of prophetism (1 Sam. iii. 20, 21, 
contrasted with iii. 1). "Companies" of prophets appear 
prominently (1 Sara x. 5-13, xix. 18-21). Prophets are com- 
mon (1 Sam. xxviii. 6). The work of David's leaders in music 
is called prophesying (1 Chron. xxv. 1, 2, 3, 5, comp, 2 Chron, 
xxxv. 15, xxix. 30). 



LECTUUE TV, 
The Histoey — Contii^ued. 



18. Third period. — That of Elijah and Elisha. From the 
disruption to the death of Elisha, about 135 years, a. Shem- 
aiah, Ahijah, and Jedo survived from the former period (1 Ki. 
xii. 22, 2 Chron. ix. 29, 1 KL xiv. 2, etc.). Then followed Oded 
and Azariah, Hanani, Jehu, Elijah, Elisha, Micaiah, Jahaziel, 
Eliezer, the highpriest Jehoiada and his son Zechariah (2 
Chron. xv. 1, 8, xvi. 7, xix. 2, xx. 34, 1 Ki. xvi. 1, xxii. 8, etc., 
2 Chron xx. 14, 37, xxiv. 20). b. Besides these, prophets 
were very numerous (1 Ki. xx. 13, 35, xix. 10, 14, xviii. 4, 13, 
xxii. 6, 11, 2 Chron. xviii. 5, xx. 20, xxiv. 19). c. The so- 
called schools of the " sons of the prophets " were flourishing, 
at Jericho, Gilgal, Bethel, etc. (2 Ki. ii-vi, etc. ). 

19. Fourth period. — That of Isaiah and his contemporaries. 
From the death of Elisha to the captivity of Manasseh, per- 
haps about 175 years, but 50 years less by the usual interpre- 
tation of the Assyrian chronology. The first group of the so- 
called literary prophets. Distinguished in this group are an 
unnamed prophet or two (2 Chron. xxv, 7, 15); Jonah (2 Ki. 
xiv. 25) ; probably Joel and Obadiah ; Amos, Hosea, and the 
author of Zech. ix-xiv. ; the Zechariah named in 2 Chron. 
xxvi. 5 ; Isaiah ; Oded (2 Chron. xxviii. 9) ; Micah ; Nahum. 



THE PROPHETS AND THE PROMISE. 



That prophets were numerous is shown by such passages a» 
2 Ki. xxi. 10, 2 Chron. xxxiii. 10, Isa. iii. 2, xxx. 10, Hos. xii. 
10 (11), vi. 5, iv. 5, Am. ii. 11, 12, iii. 7, 8, vii. 12, 13, 14, 15, 
16, Mic. iii. 6, 7, and from what is said of false prophets (Isa. 
ix. 15 [14], xxix. 10. xxviii. 7, Hos. ix. 7, 8, Mic. iii. 5, 11). 
The training of prophets is mentioned only in Am. vii. 14. 

20. Fifth period. — That of Jeremiah. From Manasseh to 
the burning of the temple. About 86 years. Jeremiah, 
Zephaniah, Habakkuk, Huldah (2 Chron. xxxiv. 22); Uriahy 
the son of Shemaiah (Jer. xxvi. 20-23). Prophets are numer- 
ous, both true and false (2 Ki. xxiii. 2, 2 Chron. xxxvi. 16, 
Lam. ii. 9, Jer. vii. 25, xiv. 18, xxiii. 9, etc.; Zeph. iii. 4, Lam. 
iv. 13, Jer. ii. 8, 26, with twenty or thirty other passages in 
Jeremiah and Lamentations). Among the false i)rophetSy 
Hananiah, Ahab, Zedekiah and Shemaiah are called by name 
(Jer. xxviii. 1, xxix. 21, 31). 

21. Siodh period. — Prophets of the exile, in Babylonia. 
From the captivity of Daniel to the return under Cyrus, 70 
years, overlapping the fifth period by 20 years. Daniel and 
Ezekiel. False prophets, male and female, were numerous, 
and perhaps true prophets also (Ezek. xiii. 2, 3, 4, 9, 16, 17, 
xiv. 4, 7, 9, K), etc.). 

22. Seventh period. — Postexilian. Haggai, Zechariah, Ezra, 
Nehemiah, Malachi. Prophets numerous, with false prophets 
among them (Zech. vii. 3, viii. 9, Neh. vi. 7, 14). Training 
school — not for prophets, but — for temple servants (Ezra viii. 
17). 

23. Close of the succession of prophets. — With the dying 
out of the men of this group, the succession of prophets is 
held by Jewish tradition to have ceased (Jos. Against Apion I. 
8, 1 Mac. ix. 27, iv. 46, xiv. 41, etc.). It should be noted that 
Nehemiah is certainly represented as having prophetic gifts, 
and that his death and perhaps that of the author of Malachi 
occurred some decades later than the latest dates given in the 
Old Testament. 

Christianity claims that the succession of prophets re-ap- 
peared in the person of John the Baptist. 



LECTURE V. 
The External Appearance of a Prophet. 

24. Baseless current ideas on this matter. — In centuries 
past, Christian people have been accustomed to think of the 
Israelite prophet as though he were a Christian priest or monk. 
Painters have generally drawn his portrait with this idea in 
mind. With this has been combined the idea that the prophet 
was a revealer of hidden things, and was therefore like the 
priests of the Greek oracles. Of late, many have become 
possessed by the notion that the prophet must have resembled 
an oriental dervish, or a fetish man, or a medicine man of our 
American aborigines. We are in danger of being misled, both 
by preconceived notions of this kind, and by our love of the 
picturesque. Hence we need to attend with especial care to 
the evidence in the case. 

25. The alleged prophetic costume. — That the prophets of 
Yahweh wore a special regulation garb is inferred from Zech. 
xiii. 4, Isa. xx. 2, 3, 1 Sam. xxviii. 14, 1 Ki. xix. 13, but the 
passages do not justify the inference. The contrary is fairly 
to be inferred from 1 Sam. ix. 18, 2 Ki. i. 7-8, 1 Ki. xx. 38, 41. 

26. Did the prophets rave? — From Jer. xxix. 26, 2 Ki. ix. 11, 
1 Sam. xviii. 10, X. 5-11, xix. 19-24, it is inferred that the prophets 
were characterized by frenzied utterance, but the inference is 
baseless. The statement that Jeremiah was crazy is recorded 
as a slander, and not as a fact ; religious talking was a symp- 
tom in Saul's attacks of mania ; the prophets held religious 
meetings, under the excitement of which Saul went crazy, but 
there is no proof that the prophets acted like crazy men. 

27. The prophets longlived. — In one personal peculiarity, 
the prophets are represented to have been remarkable — their 
longevity. Moses lived to the age of 120 years (Deut. xxxi. 
2, xxxiv. 7), when the age of manly vigor was from twenty to 
sixty years (Lev. xxvii. 3, 7, and many other places) Joshua 
lived to the age of 110, Jehoiada to 130, while Elisha, Isaiah, 
Daniel and others had very long public careers. 



10 THE PROPHETS AND THE PROMISE. 

28. The absence of external marks noteworthy. — Excep- 
tional prophets, Elijah, for example, were distinguished by 
external peculiarities. On exceptional occasions, prophets 
wore an unusual dress, or practiced special austerities But 
ordinarily, Moses or Samuel or Isaiah or Nathan or Daniel are 
certainly presented to us simply as men among men, citizens 
among citizens. This absence of insignia corresponds with 
the peculiarities in the mission of the prophets which we are 
to study in the following lectures. The human individuality 
of the prophet is emphasized, to the neglect of outward ap- 
pearance, or official character, or other like things. In this 
there is a significant contrast between the religion of Israel 
and other religions. 



LECTURE yi. 

The Education of the Prophets. 

29. Organizations for training. — The records give us some 
details concerning such organizations, at two periods : the 
'' companies" of the prophets, in Samuel's time; and the 
associated " sons of the prophets," in the northern kingdom, 
in the time of Elijah and Elisha. For the times earlier and 
later, the records are silent. 

30. The companies of prophets. — Of these we know direct- 
ly only what is recorded in 1 Sam. x. ^-Q^ 10-13, xix. 18-24. 
Apparently, we have here the picture of associated bodies of 
men, under the direction of Samuel, to some extent living in 
communities by themselves, practicing music and concerted 
prophesying, holding out-of-door processional services, recog- 
nized as a power in the land. Apparently their purpose is 
mainly educational, and judging from the development of 
Israel at the time, they had great influence in promoting 
literature, art and religion. 

31. The sons of the prophets. — For accounts of these note 
particularly 2 Ki. ii, iv. 1-7, 38-44, vi. 1-7, ix. 1-12, with the 



THE PROPHETIC ORDER. U 

whole history of Elijah and Elisha, and incidental notices 
elsewhere. They were numerous, were organized at different 
centres, had arrangements for living in common, had married 
men among their number, recognized Elijah and afterward 
Elisha as their chief, were especially obnoxious to the Baalite 
party in Israelitish politics, promoted the accession of Jehu. 
Perhaps they were organizations for religious and patriotic 
work, rather than schools ; but they certainly had educational 
value. 

32. Actual prophetic training. — Either within or without 
these organizations, there is reason to hold that the prominent 
prophets had their disciples (Isa. viii. 16), some of these per- 
manently attached to thera, looRing to them for instruction, 
in which literary and theological studies were included (see 
references in Qus. 17, 31). These followers were regarded as 
in a secondary sense prophets, and were sometimes so called. 



LECTURE VII. 
The Prophetic Ordee. 



83. The propriety of the term. — Are we to think of the 
prophet as belonging to an order ? as an ordained man, like a 
Jewish priest or a Christian minister ? In other words, are 
we to think of the priests and the prophets as two orders of 
Israelitish clergymen ? The facts in reply to this are stated in 
the following six numbers. 

34. The succession of the prophets. — The prophets were 
probably an unbroken succession, in the sense that from 
Malachi back to Samuel, and earlier, Israel was never wholly 
without living prophets of Yahweh. 

35. The prophet and the priesthood. — Some priests had the 
prophetic gift, Zadok, Jeremiah, Ezra, for example. A 
prophet, not of the priesthood, might be commissioned to per- 
form priestly acts, Moses, for example. Lev. viii. 15-30. But 
there is no trace of any priestly functions regularly exercised 



12 THE PROPHETS AND THE PROMISE. 

by the prophets as prophets, and none of any official fixed 
relations between the priestly body and the prophetic body, 
The incidents in 1 Sam. ix. 13, vii. 9 x. 8, xi. 15, xiii. 9-10, 
xvi. 2-5, are not exceptions to this statement. 

36. Was the prophet a graduate? — The "sons of the 
prophets" doubtless often became prophets, but there is no 
trace of their having done so as a matter of regular course. 
Probably, however, they were regarded as prophets in a 
secondary sense, and called by the name. When the proph- 
ets are spoken of as numerous, very likely most of them were 
prophets only in this secondary sense. 

37. Ordination. — Elisha, for example, was set apart to his 
special work by some kind of ordaining act ; there is no trace 
of any one's ever having been admitted to be a prophet by 
any such act. That Elisha' s case was exceptional appears, 
from its being put on a parallel with the cases of Hazael and 
Jehu (1 Ki. xix. 16, 19, 15-16, 2 Ki. ix. 1-13). 

38. Holu a man became a prophet. — A prophet became 
such, so far as appears, solely by becoming endowed with 
prophetic gifts ; his claim was to be tested by ascertaining 
whether he had such gifts (Deut. xviii. 21, 22, xiii. 1-5), and 
not by his costume or mode of life or registry of ordination. 
But men might, of course, become secondary prophets by 
merely becoming followers of the prophets whose gifts were 
recognized. 

39. The prophefs position. — A prophet might be judge or 
king or priest or general or statesman or private person, in 
fine, might occupy any position in the commonwealth ; as a 
prophet, he was simply a citizen with a special work to do 
(see Qu. 28). 

LECTURE VIII. 
Modes of Revelation to the Prophets. 

40. Their inspiration.— This is represented to have been by 
the Spirit of Yahweh (Num. xi. 25-29, 2 Chron. xv. 1, Joel ii. 
28, 29, Isa. Ixiii. 10, 11, 1 Ki. xviii. 12, and concordance). 



MODES OF REVELATION. 13 

41. Modes in which the Spirit communicated with them.— 
These, as presented in the Old Testament, are commonly 
€lassified as three : by dreams, by visions, by direct revela- 
tion. But it is more in accord with the statements of the 
bible to recognize four modes, namely, by dreams, by picture 
visions, by theophanies, by visions of insight. 

42. Dreams. — These are recognized as modes of revelation 
to prophets, in such passages as Num. xii. 6, Deut. xiii. 1, 
Dan. i. 17, etc., and in the accounts of the dreams of Joseph, 
Solomon, and others, and of interpretations by Joseph, Daniel, 
etc. 

43. Picture visions. — Where prophetic vision is described 
in terms of the qal, the hiphil, the hophal, or the nouns, of 
the stem r^aah^ the visions seem to be conceived of as presented 
to the physical eye (Am. vii-viii, Jer. xxiv, Zech. i-vi, and 
Qu. 10b). 

44. Theophanies. -Yahweh appearing in human form, with 
or without additional miraculous exhibitions ; or Yahweh 
uttering audible words from the midst of miraculous mani- 
festations. Theophany is regularly described by using the 
niphal of raah (Qus. 10b, 14c, and Gen. xviii, Ex. iii, xx, 
Num. ix. 15-16, Jud. xiii, etc.). Perhaps theophany should 
be regarded as a specially important form of picture vision, 
differing from other forms in that it is of the nature of a per- 
sonal interview, and not of an object lesson taught by emblems. 
It was regarded as the highest form of divine manifestation 
(Num. xii. 6-8, Ex. xxxiii. 9). 

45. Visions of insight. — The words of the stem hazah (Qu. 
10c) are more used in describing prophetic phenomena than 
those from raah. Specifically, they denote mental vision, as 
distinguished from the apparent presentation of objects to the 
natural eye. Thus they are used, to the exclusion of words 
from raah, in the literary titles of the prophetic writings. 
They have a meaning wide enough to include any supposable 
influence exerted by the divine Spirit over the mind of the 
prophet. The terms of this group may be used generically, 
including dreams or picture visions or theophanies as parts 



U THE PROPHETS AND THE PROMISE. 

or as species, or they may be used specifically for a mode of 
revelation which consists in sharpened insight or quickened 
intelligence, as differing from dream or picture vision or 
theophany. 
Notice the peculiar instance in 2 Ki. iii. 15, 



LECTURE IX. 
Modes of Uttekat^ce by the Prophets. 

46. Emblems and types. — The peculiar modes of utterance 
by the prophets correspond to the modes of revelation to them. 
They use emblems or symbols, that is, objects or personal acts 
representing truths (e. g. 1 Ki. xi. 30-31, Ezek. xxxvii. 15-25, 
Isa. XX, Jer. xix, xxiv, xxviii, etc.). The word type is often 
used as a mere equivalent of the word emblem, but properly 
a type is an emblem of a peculiar kind — a fact or person or 
event embodying a truth, and used as a foreshadowing ex- 
ample of a greater manifestation of that truth. 

47. Manifold sense. — No utterances of Yahweh's prophets 
have a double sense, meaning thereby an equivocal sense. 
But notice the double meaning in the Hebrew of 1 Ki. xxii. 
6, 12, and in Micaiah's ironical repetition, verse 15. 

Some cases which have been mistaken for cases of a double 
sense are cases where the New Testament uses a prophetic 
passage simply for illustration (e. g. Jer. xxxi. 15 and Mat. 
ii. 18). 

48. Manifold fulfillment. — Within limits, a prophecy may 
have a manifold application, or a manifold fulfillment, with- 
out having a double sense, a. The term generic prophecy, in 
one use of it, describes a prediction which, in applying to the 
whole of a complex event, also applies to some of the parts, 
Mat. xxiv. for example, b. Types and antitypes may occur 
in a series, so that in foretelling parts of the series, the re- 
maining parts are foretold, c. A different form of statement 
is used by those who speak of the successive or progressive 
fulfillment of certain predictions. Or one may say, in these 



PROPHECY AND PREDICTION: 15 

cases, that only the final event is foretold, but that this im- 
plies some of the intervening events that lead up to it. d. 
When the point of a prophecy consists in its enunciating the 
principles on which God acts, the prophecy may of course, so 
far forth, be made to apply to every case coming under the 
principles. 

Note. — The subject of types is admirably discussed in Dr. 
Gardiner's Old and New Testaments, Lectures viii-xii ; the 
topics of this lecture are well treated in the book of Dr. Briggs 
on Messianic Prophecy. The article ' ' Prophet' ' in Mc Clintock 
and Strong's Cyclopcedia is very full. 



LECTURE X. 

The Fui^ctions of the Prophets. 

49. The functions indicated by the name. — By the deriva- 
tion of the English word, a prophet is a man who speaks out 
the special message that God has given him (Qu. 8). That 
this is the function of the prophet of Israel is indicated briefly 
in Ex. vii. 1, Num. xii. 6, and more in full in Deut. xviii and 
xiii. 1-5, and indeed, in all the passages that w^e have examined. 
In Deut. xviii he is differentiated from the priest by the fact 
that his message is direct and special, and from those who 
practice magic arts by the fact that his communication with 
God is real. 

50. The gift of prediction.— The prophets had this gift; 
but they were not merely nor mainly predicters of events. 

51. Natural functions.— The functions ascribed to the 
prophets in the records may be arranged in two classes, those 
which do not require the exercise of distinctly supernatural 
gifts, and those which require such gifts. Among the former 
are the following : a. They were prominent as the public men 
of their times. For proof, reflect on what you know of Moses 
or Samuel or Daniel, or of Elijah, Elisha, Isaiah, Jeremiah, 
They were the leaders of the party that advocated a certain 
religious policy on the part of the government, and of the 
party that opposed foreign alliances in every direction (1 Ki. 



16 THE PROPHETS AND THE PROMISE. 

xvii-x:ix, 2 Ki. iv. 13, Isa. vii or xxxix or xxx, Jer. xxxviii 
or xxxix. 11-14). A biogi'aphy of the prophets would be a 
history of Israel, b. They were the reformers of their times-. 
Besides religious questions, they discussed improper divorce^ 
licentiousness, usury, land monopoly, drunkenness and dissi- 
pation, slavery, etc. (Mai. ii. 10-16, Jer. v. T-^, etc., Neh. Vy 
Ezek. xviii. 8, etc., Isa. v. 7-10, 11-22, Jer. xxxiv. 8-22). c. 
They were evangelistic preachers and organizers, d. They 
were the literary men of the nation. Learn from a concord- 
ance that the bible attributes literary authorship to Moses, 
Joshua, Samuel, Gad, Nathan, Asaph, Heman, Ethan, David, 
Solomon, Ahijah, Jedo, Iddo, Shemaiah, Jehu, Elijah, as well 
as to the so-called literary prophets and their contemporaries, 
e. They were a bond of unity between the two kingdoms. 
Judsean prophets, Amos and Isaiah for example, prophesied 
for the northern kingdom, and northern prophets, Elisha and 
Hosea for instance, for the southern kingdom, Am. i. 1. iii. 1, 
12, etc., Hos. xi. 12, etc., 2 Ki. iii. 14. /. So far as merely 
natural functions go, the bible prophets have their counter- 
parts both among devout religious workers in all ages, and 
among the especially gifted men whom God anywhere raises 
up for special purposes in history. 

52. Supernatural functions. — But the bible prophets also 
claim functions that require supernatural gifts — functions that 
differ in kind, and not merely in degree, from those thus far 
mentioned, a. The working of miracles, Elisha for example. 
b. Revealing secrets by supernatural help (e. g. 2 Ki. vi. 12, 
Dan. ii). c. Foretelling the future (Isa. xli. 22-23, 26, xlii. 
9, xliii. 9, 12, 18, 19, etc.). d. Revealing Yah weh' s law (Lect. 
XI). e. Teaching the doctrine of the Messiah (Lectures on 
Messianic Prophecy). 



LECTURE XI. 

The Giving of the Law through the Prophets. 

53. The great function of the prophets.— This was the 
transmitting of monotheism in its Israelitish type to Israel, to 



THE LAW, 17 

mankind, and to future ages. The monotheism they trans- 
mitted may be looked at with respect to its contents or its 
form. With respect to its contents, the chief thing in it is its 
messianic doctrine. In its form, it is an alleged revelation or 
series of revelations from God, commonly described by the 
prophets themselves as ''law," torah. Torah, when written, 
becomes sacred scripture. 

It is important to get a clear idea of the relation of the 
prophets to the torah, that is, indirectly, to the written 
scripture. 

54. The term ^^law^^ in the New Testament.— Yvov^ th^t, 
in the New Testament, "law," besides other uses, sometimes 
denotes : a. The Old Testament (John x. 84, xv. 25, xii. 34, 1 
Cor. xiv. 21, Rom. iii. 10-19). h. The pentateuch (John i. 45, 
Mat. vii. 12, and many other passages). In view of the fact 
that the Old Testament includes the pentateuch, can you de- 
cide which of these usages most prevails ? 

65. This double use not peculiar to the New Testament. — 
Prove this from such passages as Josephus Ant. preface 3, com- 
pared with Cont. Ap. i. 8, or 2 Esdras xiv. 20-22, 44-46 (in 
editions of the Apocrypha — that of Wace, or that of Bissell 
in the Lange Commentary). 

5Q. ^' Law^'' in the Old Testament. — a. Torah, ''law," and 
its verb horah are derived from yarah, which denotes the 
shooting of an arrow or javelin. Torah is used more than 200 
times, and horah more than 60 times. 6. They denote author- 
itative requirement or information, never mere ordinary in- 
struction, c. Torah always and horah nearly always denote 
a message that comes from God. Even such cases as Prov. i. 
8, vi. 20, xxxi. 26, are probably not exceptions. The subject 
of the verb is commonly the true God (e. g. Ex. iv. 12, 15, xv. 
25, Mic. iv. 2, Isa. ii. 3), or some one acting as his representa- 
tive (Ex. XXXV. 34, 1 Sam. xii. 23, 2 Ki. xii. 2), but it may be 
any god (Hab. ii. 18, 19, Isa. xxviii. 26). d. Torah was some- 
times oral, but written torah began early (Isa. viii. 16, 20, 
Hos. viii. 12). It is said that Joshua (Josh. xxiv. 26) and 
Moses wrote torah (e. g Deut. xxxi. 9, 11, 24, 26, xxviii. 58, 



•18 THE PROPHETS AND THE PROMISE. 



61). e. Four uses of tliQ noun are significant. First, "a law," 
"laws^" "the law" witli an objective genitive, used of any 
particular message ')r messages given by God through a 
prophet (Isa. viii 16, xxiv. 15, Ex. xviji. 16, 20, xvi. 28, Gen. 
xxvi. 5,: Lev. vii. 37-38. xi. 46-47). Second, "a law" may be 
an aggregate of particular laws (Neh. ix. 14, Deut." xxxiii. 4, 
Ps. Ixxmi. 5, Mai ii. 6, etc.). Third, " law " is used abstract- 
ly without the article (e. g. Isa ii. 3, Mic. iv. 2, Hab. i. 4, Job 
xxii 22,Mal. ii. 7). Fourth, "thelaw," " thelaw of Yahweh," 
" my law." "his law," etc., the noun being used definitely by 
itself or with only a subjective genitive, denotes the well 
known aggregate of divine torah^ and necessarily implies that 
there was such an aggregate (e. g. Ex. xvi. 4, xxiv. 12, Am. 
ii. 4, Hos. iv. 6, viii. 1, 12, Isa. i. 10, v. 24). /. "The law" 
existed in writing from very early timeiJ (Hos. viii. 12, Deut. 
xxxi. 9-13, Josh. xxiv. 26). It was the growing aggregate of 
written revelation, counted as beginning with Moses, and so 
sometimes called by his name (e. g 1 Ki. ii. 3, Josh. xxiv. 26, 
Ezra vi. 18 cf. 1 Chron. xxiii-xxiv, Dan. vi. 5 cf . 1 Ki. viii. 44, 
48, etc. and Ps. Iv. 17). g. An. aggregate does not necessarily im- 
ply a collection, but the biblical accounts speak of collected 
torah "laid up" in the sanctuary (Deut. xxxi. 9-13, 24-26, 
xvii. 18, 11, cf. 2 Chron. xvii. 9, 2 Ki. xxii. 8. Also Josh, 
xxiv. 26, and by fair inference " the book" in 1 Sam. x. 25, 
Ex. xvii. 14). h Sometimes the term is applied to some sec- 
tion or portion of the aggregate. An instance is the Deuter- 
onomic " book of the law " (see g) Another instance is "the 
duplicate of the law of Moses" on the altar at Ebal (Deut. 
xxvii, 3-8, Josh. viii. 32-34). This must have been brief. 
A.S the phrase "the book of the law" is sometimes used in a 
wider sense (e. g. Neh. viii. 1, 18, ix. 3, Josh. xxiv. 26), its 
limit is in many cases uncertain (e. g. 2 Ki. xiv. 6, xxii. 8). 
^. Possibly it sometimes denotes the writings that were attrib- 
uted to Moses, as distinguished from the rest of the aggregate 
(Zech. vii. 12, Dan. ix. 10-13, Jer. xxvi. 4-6, 2 Ki. xvii. 13, 
xxi. 8, 7, 2 Chron. xxxiii. 8, 7). 
57. The priests and the law — '^mce the priests as well as 



7 HE LAW. W 

the prophets are represented as having to do with the torah, 
some scholars are accustomed to speak of a priestly torah and 
a prophetic ^ofa/i, as if the two differed in their contents. 
There is no ground for this. The repireseniation rather is that 
the priests and prophets had a commoii body of torah, to 
which they stood in differing relations. 

The priests, with the elders and kings and judges, were cus- 
todians and interpreters of the law (Deut. xxxi. 9-13, xvii. 
>8-19, 11, 2 Chron. xvii. 9, Hag. ii. 11, 12, 13 and Lev. x. 11, 
Deut. xxiv. 8, 2 Kl. xvii. 27-28). No priest, as such, is repre- 
sented as the agent through whom God reveals torah. The 
only way in, which a priest can add to th^ torah which has 
been put in his charge is by giving interpretations, and mak- 
ing decisions in cases that arise. 

58. The prophets and the law. — They are represented as 
teachers of the torah in the different sense that they bring 
from Yahweh the torah which the priests merely administer. 
See most of the instances cited under Qu. ^'d, e. g. 2 Sam. vii. 
19, Isa, viii. 16, 20. See also Neh. ix. 26, Ezek vii. 26, Lam. 
ii. 9, Jer. xxvi. 4-5, 2 Ki. xvii. 13, Dan. ix. 10, Zech. vii. 12, 
Isa. XXX. 9-11, with Jud. xiii. 8, 1 Sam. xii. 23. Observe also, 
throughout the pentateuch, the relations between Moses the 
prophet (Deut. xxxiv. 10, xviii. 15, 18, xxxiii. 1, Josh. xiv. 
6) and Aaron the priest. 

59. The prophets and the scriptures^ — There is no dispute 
that the prophets, in a general sense, at least, are the writers 
of the Old Testament books. It follows that they wrote them 
in their capacity of bringers of law from Yahweh. 

, 60. The seat of religious authority .— ^Yie Old Testament, 
the New, and tradition alike represent the word of a super- 
naturally endowed prophet as, next to God, the ultimate 
source of authority in Israel. It is on this ground that they 
attribute authority even to such men as Moses and David 
(Acts iii. 22, ii. 30, Hos. xii. 10, 13 [11, 14], Mic. vi. 4, Isa. 
Ixiii. 11, and the whole list of passages heretofore consulted). 
It seems to follow that, in special circumstances, the word 



90 THE PROPHETS AND THE PROMISE. 

of a living prophet might supplement, or even supersede the 
portions of the law previously in existence. 

It seems also to follow that they regard all scripture as of 
equal authority, the pentateuch having no higher than pro- 
phetic authority, and no scriptural book having less than 
prophetic authority. 

Questions for Review. 

1. state the subject of this course of lectures. 

2. What are the sources of information, direct and indirect? 

3. What is the thing here principally attempted ? 

4. Why is original study needed on this subject? 

5. The best position to take in regard to the historicity of the Old Testament? 

6. Give reasons for regarding the subject as important. 

7. a. Give a summary of the contents of one of the works mentioned in 
Qu. 7. d. Give an estimate of its value. 

8. Give the derivation and the meaning of the word " prophet." 

9. a. Mention the four designations for a prophet, in Hebrew. 6. Give the 
derivation and meaning of nabhi. c. Of roeh. d. Of hozeh. e. How is the 
term " man of God " used ? f. How about other terms designating a prophet ? 

10. a. Mention the different groups of words used to denote prephetic func- 
tions, b. In particular, how is the niphal of raah used? c. How about " the 
word of the Lord " ? d. What is a " burden " ? 

11. a. The degrees of extent in which these terms are used? b. The dis- 
tinction between prophets and prophetic men ? 

12. a. The periods into which the history of the prophets is divided ? b. The 
reason for this division ? 

13. Did prophecy begin with Samuel ? Give reasons for your answer. 

14. Prove that the patriarchs were prophets. 

15. a. Mention instances of prophecy in the time of Moses, b. How abund- 
ant were prophetic gifts at that time ? 

16. What information have we as to prophets in the time of the judges. 

17. a. Distinguish the second period in prophetic history, b. Mention the 
distinguished prophets of the period, c. How about the numbers of the 
prophets ? d. Their organizations ? 

18. The third period : a. How distinguished ? b. Its great prophets? ^. The 
numbers of the prophets ? d. Their organization ? 

19. The fourth period : The same questions. 

20. The fifth period : The same questions. 

21. The sixth period ? 

22. The seventh period ? 

23. Tell about the closing of the succession of prophets. 

24. a. How about the pictures of the prophets that many have in mind ? b. 
Account for these. 

25. a. The alleged proof that the prophets wore a distinctive costume? b. 
The truth in the case ? 



f^UESTIONS FOR REVIEW. ^1 

26. a. Proofs of frenzied utterance? d. Is the proof sufficient ? 

27. How about the longevity of the prophets ? 

28. How about the significance of this absence of outward insignia? 

29. Mention the two forms of prophetic organizations, 

30. Give an account of the '^ companies "" of prophets, 

31. Give an account of the " sons of the prophets.^' 

32. Who were the secondary prophets ? 

33. The meaning of the term " the prophetic order "? 

34. In what sense were the prophets a succession ? 

35. How were the prophets related to the priesthood? 

36. How to the so-called schools of the prophets ? 

37. Was the prophet ordained ? 

38. How did a man become a prophet ? 

39. What was the prophet's position in the community ? 

40. The source of prophetic inspiration } 

41. a. The usual statement as to modes of revelation? ^. The preferable 
statement ? 

42. Prove that the prophets had revelations by dreams. 

43. a. What is here meant by picture- visions ? d. Denoted by what Hebrew 
words ? c. Give instances. 

44. a. Define theophany. d. The technical Hebrew verb for it. c. Give 
instances, d. How does theophany differ from picture vision? e. Its rank 
among forms of revelation ? 

45. a. How about possible modes of revelation in addition to those already 
mentioned ? d. The use of the words of the stem kaz'ah ? 

46. What are types ? 

47. a. Have any of the prophecies a double sense ? b. Mention and explain 
some instances of apparent double sense. 

48. Mention several forms of the doctrine of manifold fulfillment. 

49. a. Etymologically, what is a prophet ? b. According to Deut. xviii, how 
does he differ from a priest ? c. How from a practicer of magic arts ? 

50. Prophecy and prediction, how related ? 

51. a. Give some facts in regard to the prophets as the public men of their 
times, b. As reformers, c. As evangelists, d. As literary men. <?. In their 
relations to the two kingdoms, f. Herein are the Hebrew prophets alone ? 

52. a. Their supernatural functions ? b. In these are they peculiar ? 

53. a. What is the great prophetic function ? b. Its two chief branches ? 

54. The two uses of the term ' ' law " in the New Testament ? 

55. In the literature nearest the New Testament times ? 

56. The uses of the term in the Old Testament : a. Its derivation ? b. What 
kind of teaching does it denote? c. Whence comes torahl d. When did 
written tor ah begm? e. The four uses of the noun? f. Describe '* the law." 
g. Tell of the laying up of tor ah in the sanctuary, h. Mention certain restrict- 
ed uses of the term. /. Does the Old Testament call the pentateuch " the 
law .'' " Prove your answer. 

57. What had the priests to do with the law ? 

58. What had the prophets to do with the law ? 

59. In what capacity did the prophets write the scriptures ? 

60. What was the seat of religious authority in Israel ? 






MESSIANIC PROPHECY. 



■■'- ■ '^^'^^j 



Auburn Seminary Elective, First Term J 900—01 < 



LECTURE XIL 
New Testament Teachi:n^gs. ^ 

61. Definition. — Differentiate the terms "messianic predic- 
tion," " messianic prophecy," " messianic doctrine taught by 
the prophets." 

62. Not scattered predictions merely.-— The New Testament 
■ men hold that- the doctrine of the messiah is taught in all the 

Old Testament scriptures (e. g. Luke xxiv. 27, 44). 

63. One promise. — They regard the messianic teaching of 
the Old Testament as mainly the unfolding of one promise, 
and only one (Acts xxvi. 6-7, and the passages cited in the 
following numbers). 

64. The one promise identified. — They identify it as the oue 
made to Abraham and Israel (Heb. vi. 13-15, 17, xi. 9^ 39-40, 
Rom. iv. 13-14, 16-17a, 20, and many of the, passages here^^ 
after given). 

' 65. The promises.— Thei one promise spreads itself out into 
many specifications. So they speak of it in the plural, with 
reference to its various aspects and unfoldings (Heb. vi. 12, 
vii. 6, xi. 17, 13, viii. 6, Rom. ix. 4, xv. 8). 

66. Their treatment of this subject.— The j trace the unfold- 
ing of the promise throughout the Old Testament history, 
identify it with the promise made, later, to David, and regard 
it as having been continually fulfilled, but likewise as always 
moving on to larger fulfillment (Acts vii. 2, 17-18, xiii. 22-23, 
Luke i. 69-70, 72-73, and all the passages that speak of the 
Christ as the son of David). 

67. Christ the great fulfillment. — They claim that Jesus 
Christ is the culminating fulfillment of the ancient promise, 



2f4 THE PROPHETS AND THE PROMISE. 

SO that, in preaching him, they were preaching the promise 
(Acts xiii. 23, 32-33, Gal. iii. 22, Acts ii. 38-39, iii. 25-26). 

68. The promise and the gospel.— a. They constantly con- 
nect the promise with the doctrine of redemption from sin and 
its consequences, h. And with the doctrine of the kingdom 
of God, on earth and in heaven, and so with the universal and 
eternal reign of Christ, as prince of peace (concordance). 

69. The promise and the gentiles.— They make it emphatic 
that God's promise to Abraham was for the nations, and there- 
fore conveys title to the gentiles, under which they may re- 
receive the gospel (Gal. iii. 8, 29, 14, Eph. i, 13, ii. 12, iii. 6-7, 
Gal. iv. 23, 28, and the passages last cited). 

70. Special terms.— In teaching these things they employ 
peculiar terms brought over from the Old Testament, and in 
some cases modified in use ; messiah, servant, son, mine elect, 
holy one, etc. (Lect. XIX, and concordance). We now note 
only the general fact that such X3hrases exist. 

71. Special lines of representatio^i. — ^These also are brought 
forward from the Old Testament : the last days ; the day of 
the Lord ; the kingdom ; my messenger ; the Spirit, and the 
prophet as a type ; the ceremonial types ; biographical types, 
etc. (Lect. XX and concordance). 

» 72. The promise and the doctrine of resurrection. — In many 
passages, both those which mention the coming of the Lord 
and others, the promise is closely connected with the doctrine 
of the resurrection (e. g. Acts xxvi. 6-8, 2 Tim. i. 1, 2 Pet. iii. 
4, 9, 1 John ii. 24-25, Heb. ix. 15, x. 36). 



LECTURE XIII. 

Ikteepei^ting the Old Testament Messianic Teachings. 

73. Eisegesis.—We should avoid alike the carrying back of 
Christian ideas into the Old Testament and the neglecting of 
those ideas that belong to the Old Testament in common with 
Christianity. Take the Old Testament passage as it stands, and 



THE PROMISE TO ABRAHAM. 25 

ask : what did this mean to an intelligent, devout, uninspired 
Israelite of the time to which it belongs ? 

74. Inferences from other religions. — The indirect analogical 
evidence drawn from the history of other religions is here to 
be allowed just its proper value, and no more. 

75. Certain misconceptions to he guarded against. — Most of 
us have in mind pretty distinct ideas of the nature of messi- 
anic prediction, and, in particular, of the meaning and use of 
the term " messiah." It is supposable that our preconceived 
ideas may be crude and misleading. We can decide this only 
by holding them in suspense till w^e can test them by the facts 
we find in the Old Testament. We need to guard most jeal- 
ously against the process of merely putting our ideas into the 
passages we study, and then dipping them out again. 

76. Division of the subject — First, the main line of the Old 
Testament evidence as to the giving and unfolding of the 
promise (Lects XIY-XYIII); second, the branching out of 
the messianic doctrine, in the psalms and the other prophetic 
writings, into forms marked by technical terms (Lect XIX); 
third, certain collateral lines of Old Testament evidence (Lect. 
XX); fourth, the consideration of particular selected proph- 
ecies (Lects. XXI-XXII); fifth, the messianic doctrine in 
the times after the Old Testament (Lects. XXIII-XXIY). 



LECTURE XIV. 
The Main Lii^e oe the Peomise. Time of the Pateiarchs. 

77. Definition.— The main line of Old Testament statement, 
for any purpose, is that which records the history of Israel, 
beginning with the call to Abraham. We shall find that 
messianic doctrine is the principal thing in this history. 

78. Sin and redemption.— 11\\q thought of these underlies 
the messianic doctrine of the Old Testament at every point ; 
though we cannot delay at every step to note its presence. 

79. The original promise to Abraham.—Stndj it carefully 



26 THE PROPHETS AND THE PROMISE. 

(Gen. xii. 1-3 and parallel passages). It consists, first, of 
certain subordinate items, and, second, of a culminating, that 
is, a principal item. 

80. Some of the subordinate items. — a. A "seed," that is, 
a posterity, promised to Abraham, Sarah, Isaac, Jacob (xiii. 
14sq., XV, xvii. 6, 15-16, etc., xxvi. 3, 4, xxviii. 3, 4, xxxv. 
11, 12, xlviii. 3, 4). b. This seed to include countless persons 
(ibid.), c. The seed to be or include a great nation (xviii. 18, 
xxxv. 11, xlvi. 3). d. The seed to be or include what is 
called '' an assembly of nations,'* " an assembly of peoples " 
(xxviii. 3, xxxv. 11, xlviii. 4. xvii. 6^16). The nation intend- 
ed is Israel, and the federated parts of Israel are the assembly 
of nations or of peoples, though confused translation has 
sometimes led to other conclusions, e. Kings shall spring 
from Abraham, from Sarah, from Jacob (xvii. 6, 16, xxxv. 11); 
Israelitish kings, necessarily, not Ishmaelite. Edomite, etc. 
/. The seed to inherit the land of Caanan. g. Various other 
items : great name ; friends to be blessed, etc. ; seed to take 
possession of the gate of its enemies (xii. 2-3, etc., xxii. 17). 

81. The principal item in the promise. — That all mankind 
shall be blessed in Abraham and his seed. 

82. The emphasis laid upon this. — a. Repeated in this 
form ^ve times in Genesis (xii. 3, xviii. 18, xxii. 18, xxvi. 4, 
xxviii. 14). 6. In each of these places, it is the culminating 
item in a series, c. Given in different form when the name 
was changed from Abram to Abraham (xvii. 4-5), This pas- 
sage is different from xlviii. 19 and from those cited in Qu. 80d. 
Paul interprets it correctly (Rom. iv. 16-18, 11-12). d. Among 
the subordinate items, those touching the seed are especially 
connected with the principal item, and are especially empha- 
sized, e. Here is the centre of the covenant (Qu. 84). /. The 
New Testament men cite this promise more than anything 
else (Lect. XII). 



LECTURE Xy. 

The Promise. Time of the Patriaechs — continued. 

88. "*S'eed,'' as used in the promise. — a. Sometimes a part 
of the benefit promised, and sometimes associated with the 
patriarch as the recipient of the promise (Qu. 80, 82, etc.). 
h. A collective noun, not a plural ; a unit from Abraham to 
the culmination (Gal. iii. 16, 19) ; the targums pluralize the 
Aramaic word, though not in this promise. 

84. The promise and the covenant. — God's covenant with 
Abraham was based on the promise, with special reference to 
the " seed." a. The covenant of the pieces (xv). b. That of 
circumcision (xvii). 

85. The peculiar people. — This phrase means Gv.d's own 
people ; not, a peojjle different from others. The most im- 
portant biblical formula is, in substance : I will be to them for 
a God, and they shall be to me for a people. The first half of 
this appears in patriarchal history (xvii, 7, 8, xxviii. 21b). 

86. The promise eternally operative. — Especial stress is laid 
upon this (xiii. 15, xvii. 7, 8, 13, 19, xlviii. 4, cf. xxi. 33). 

87. The contemporary understanding of the promise. — a. 
We have no information as to how far such men as Abraham 
may, by miraculous inspiration, have foreseen the future, h. 
In this promise that Abraham and his seed shall be eternally 
Yahweh' sown people, for the benefit of the nations, an intelli- 
gent, devout, uninspired man of the patriarchal times would 
not see a prediction of a person like Jesus, living and dying 
in Palestine, many hundred years in the future, c. As the 
covenant was eternal, however, he would expect that the 
events included under it would still be in progress, whatever 
their nature, hundreds of years in the future ; and they would 
not exclude such facts as those concerning Jesus, d. But espec- 
ially he would find in it a religious docirine, holding the same 
place in his theology that the doctrine of Christ holds in ours, 
to be believed and taught and practiced, for purposes of cur- 
rent living. 



28 THE PROPHETS AND THE PROMISE, 

88. The promise a prediction.— A^ thus explained, it is 
something immeasurably more than a mere prediction, but its 
predictive value is not diminished. 

89. Relatively independent of critical theories. — a. We 
should not undervalue the importance of the question whether 
these accounts were written in the time of Moses, or centuries 
later ; and especially that of the question whether they are 
strictly historical, h. But the view we have taken of the 
promise depends not at all on the question of authorship, pro- 
vided the recorded facts are correct, c. Even those who ques- 
tion the historicity of the records do not question the fact that 
this teaching concerning the promise is one of the ancient 
doctrines of the religion of Yahweh, dating as far back as that 
religion can be traced. 



LECTURE XYI. 
The Promise. Time of the Exodus. 

90. Limits of treatment. — In following out the main line of 
the promise, we must confine ourselves to a few instances, be- 
longing to the great representative periods. 

91. A continuous covenant. — In the history of the tim^ of 
the exodus, stress is laid on the statement that the covenant 
made with Abraham, Isaac and Jacob is yet in existence. 
The fresh covenant publicly entered into, and that more than 
once, at the bringing of Israel out of Egypt, is thought of as 
the perpetuation of the covenant with Abraham (Ex. ii. 24, 
iii. 13, 15, 16, etc., vi. 3-5, Deut iv. 31, with the passages 
hereafter cited, and others). 

92. The peculiar people. — a The form "to me for a people, 
and ... to you for a Gfod " is much used in the history 
of the time of the exodus (Ex. vi. 7, xxix. 45, Lev. xi, 45, 
xxii. 33, XXV. 38, xxvi. 12, 45, etc., Nu. xv. 41, Deut. xxix. 
12-13, xxvi. 17-19, iv. 20, etc.). b. My own, . . . a king- 
dom of priests and an holy nation" (Ex. xix. 5, 6). c. All 
the institutions for keeping Israel separate. 



THE PROMISE AND THE EXODUS. ^ 

9S. In the interefit of mankind. — a. This is not so much, 
emphasized as in Genesis, but yet is made very distinct, b. 
Other peoples are to recognize the name of Yahweh in Israel 
(Deut. xxviii. 9-11, vii. 6, xiv. 2). c. Israel a priestly nation, 
mediating between Yahweh and all other nations (Ex. xix. 
5-6). d. This priestly character recognized in the IS'ew Tes- 
tament (e. g. Kev. i. 6, v. 10, 1 Pet. ii. 5, 9, all in rev. ver.). 

94. The son of Yahweh. — A peculiar relation of sonship to 
Yahweh is recognized as attending Israel, though this is not 
often mentioned (Ex. iv. 22, 23, Deut. i. 31, xxxii. 6). 

95. Eternal and irrevocable. — a. As in the time of the 
patriarchs, so here. Much emphasis is placed on the eternal 
character of the covenant and promise (Deut. iv. 40, xii. 28, 
Ex. iii. 15, and many statements concerning institutions, e. g. 
Ex. xxxi. 16, 17, Lev. xvi. 29, 31, 34, vi. 18, vii. 34, 36, xviL 
7, xxiii. 14, 21, etc), b. The promise, though sometimes 
spoken of as conditioned on obedience (e. g, Deut, iv. 40, xii> 
S8), is also spoken of as irrevocable, even for sin. (Lev. xxvL_ 
44-45, Deut. iv. 30-31, rev. ver., and perhaps other passages). 
This is a fresh way of affirming that it will be forever operative^. 
/ 96. Contemporary interpretation.^ a. Apply, with the 
requisite changes of terms, the statements in Qas. 88 and 87. 
b. Further, the intelligent/ devout, uninspired Israelite of the 
time of the exodus looked back upon some centuries during 
which the promise had been in process of fulfillment, recog- 
nized that process as moving forward in his own time, and 
looked for yet larger fulfillment in the future. . .', 

97. Critical theories. — With changes of details, the state- 
ments of Qu. 89 apply here. 

98. T/ie res^prom z^.se.— Incidentally, Q-od's promise tb give 
Israel rest from all his enemies, and choose a place for his 
name to dwell in (given Deut, xii. 10, 9, 14, 21,„xxy, .19, etc., 
cf. Ex. xxxiii. 14 ; partially fulfilled Deut* iii. 20, Josh. i. 13, 
15, xxi. 44 [42], xxii. 4, xxiii. 1, cf. Ps., xcv. 11, Heb. iii-iv) 
is connected with the great promise : first, as an important; 
matter of detail included in it; secpnd, as ai link of coiinection 
between the time of the exodus and that of Dayid. 



LECTURE XYII. 
The Promise. Time of David. 

99. The classical passage. — This is tlie account of David's 
proposing to build a temple to Yaliweh, and the message he 
received in regard to it through Nathan (2 Sam. vii, dupli- 
cated, with changes, 1 Chron. xvii). 

100. The promise as a whole. — That as David had x)roposed 
to build Yahweh a house, so Yahweh would make David a 
house (2 Sam. vii. 5b, lib, 27, 16, 19, 25, 26, 29, 29). Note 
how the repetition emphasizes the promise in this particular 
form. 

101. Connection with the times of the exodvs and of Abra- 
ham. — a. With the rest-promise. Compare the passages (Qu. 
98) with statements in 2 Sam. vii and other passages based 
upon it (vii. 1, 9-11 [verbs in progressive present], 1 Chron. 
xxii. 9, 18, xxiii. 25, xxviii. 2, 1 Ki. v. 4 [18], 2 Chron. vi. 41, 
Ps. cxxxii. 8, 14, etc.). h. Enemies cut off (vii. 9 cf. Deut. 
xii. 29, etc.). c. Evidently David held that Yahweh had now 
at length chosen the place for his name to dwell (Deut. xii. 11, 
etc. cf. 2 Sam. vii. 13, 1 Ki. viii. 16, 2 Chron. vi. 4-7, etc.). d. 
Yahweh the God of Israel, etc. (vii. 26-27). e. "And who are 
like thy people," etc. (vii. 23 cf. Deut. iv. 7-8) ? /. "To thee 
for a people-' (vii. 24, 23, 10, Gen. xvii. 7-8, Deut. xxvi. 17- 
18, Qu. 92). g. Additional specifications in the promise itself 
(Qu. 102). 

102. Details in the promise to David. — a. David's "house" 
is to consist in a line of descendants (12, 16, 19, 25, 26, 29). 
"Seed after thee" (12 cf. Gen. xvii. 7, 8, 9, 10, 19). "Come 
forth from thy bowels" (12 cf. Gen. xv. 4, 2 Sam. xvi. 11, 2 
Chron. xxxii. 21, which are all the places where the phrase 
occurs). . b. Incidentally, some member of this house shall 
build the temple (13, and only there in this chapter), c. The 
"seed" is to reign (12, 13, 16, 16 cf. Qu. 80e); in God's king- 
dom (1 Chron. xvii. 14, Qu. 137e); a succession, and not one 
king only. d. Is to be in a peculiar sense the son of Yahweh 



THE PROMISE TO DAVID. 31 



(14, Qu. 94). e. To reign eternally (13, 16, 16, 25, 26, 29, 29, 
cf . 24 and Qus. 86, 95a). /. The promise to David irrevocable, 
even for sin (14b-15, Qu. 95b), though in a different sense 
spoken of as conditioned on obedience (e. g. 1 Chron. xxviii, 
7, Ps. cxxxii. 12). g. "This being the torah of mankind, O 
Lord Yahweh " (19). "And thou art looking upon me ac- 
cording to the upbringing torah of mankind, Yahweh God " 
(1 Chron. xvii. 17). David had in mind the thought of God's 
one great revelation for mankind ; and that can be no other 
than the promise that all nations shall be blessed in Abraham. 
108. Contemporary interpretation. — a. An uninspired but 
intelligent Israelite of the time of David, one who believed 
that Yahweh makes promises and afterward fulfills them, 
would understand this to mean that David should have as his 
posterity an unending succession of kings, one of whom should 
build the temple, while through the whole succession of them 
should be fulfilled the promise made of old to Abraham and 
Israel, h. Apply here the statements made in Qus. 88, 87, 96. 



LECTURE XYIII. 
The Promise. Postdayidic Times. 

104. The Literature. — The messianic material found in the 
psalms, the histories and the other prophetic books, from the 
time of David on, is so abundant that it could be exhausted 
only by the study of these writings entire. We can examine 
but a few specimens. 

105. General statement.— a. If the view taken in these lec- 
tures is correct, the prophets of David's time and later had, 
as the central doctrine of their religion, this : that Yahweh 
had made Israel to be peculiarly his people ; had vested this 
relation centrally in the royal line of David ; had done this 
for purposes of blessing to mankind ; purposes that had al- 
ready been unfolding for centuries, and were on the way to an 
ever larger unfolding, h. The messianic passages in the writ- 



3^3 THE PROPBETS AND THE PROMISE. 

ings of the prophets are mostly the re])etitioTi, the unfolding^ 
the supplementing or the homiletic nse of the promise, a» 
given either to Abraham, to Israel, or to David. They preached 
this one promise, as we preach it in the twentieth century, as 
having been fulfilled before their times, as then fulfilling, and 
as to be yet more largely fulfilled, eternally, in the fucure. 

106. Certain modes of presenting the doctrine.— a. Fossiblyy 
though not necessarily, in disconnected predictions of a com- 
ing person, in a few passages onl}^ (e. g. Pss. ii, xxii, ex), bi 
Formal amplifications (1 Chron. xxii. 6-11, 1 Ki. viii. 15-21, 24-- 
26, 2 Chron. vi. 4-11, 15-17, Ps. Ixxxix ). c. Use of messianic 
^utterances as texts or proof texts (e. g. Isa. ii. 2-4). d. Most 
frequently, taking the promise for granted, as something well 
known, on which to build their argument, e. In the use of 
special terms (Lect. XIX). /. And of the collateral lines of 
presentation (Lect. XX). 

In the remaining questions in this lecture, we shall have to 
take for granted some things that come under these last two 
specifications. 

107. The conception of Israel as the people of the promise. — 
The prophets certainly had this conception, and it is impor- 
tant to the understanding of their utterances. Distinguish it 
from the conception of Israel as merely a race of men, or a na- 
tion ; and, on the other hand, from that of the true Israel 
within Israel, etc. 

108. All nations have an interest in the promise.— a. Recog- 
nized in the dedication services of the temple (1 Ki. viii. 41- 
43, 2 Chron. vi. 32-33, cf. the following verses), b. In formal 
repetitions (Ps. Ixxii. 17, Jer. iv. 1-2, Ps. xxi. 6a [5a], Isa. 
Ixv. 16, xlix. 6, 7, Iv-lvi, especially Ivi. 3-8, Zech. xiv. 16 
sq., and many other passages). 

109. The promise eternal and irrevocable. — See Qus. 102ef, 
86, 95. This characteristic runs through to the close of the 
Old Testament. In proof note most of the passages that have 
been cited in this lecture, and very many others (e. g. Ps. 
Ixxxix. 19-37, verse by verse, especially 26-37, 1 Ki. xi. 36, 2 
Chron. xxi. 7, 2 Ki. xiii. 23, Isa. lix. 20-21). 



THE PROMISE AFTER DA VI D. 33 

110. Mediatorial suffering. — In some parts of the prophetic 
writings, this idea becomes very prominent in connection: with 
God's purpose for the nations through Israel (e. g. Pss. xxii, 
xl, Isa. liii, Qu. 134). 

111. A glimpse at the later fulfillments. — It will help to give 
us a steady grasp of the bearing of the facts we are studying 
if we now take a glance forward, a. The conception of an 
eternally operative promise, such as we find that the prophets 
had, necessarily involves that of cumulative fulfillment, and 
of certain culminating periods of fulfillment, b. The fulfill- 
ment in our own times consists in three things : first, in what 
Israel as a race has accomplished and is accomplishing in hu- 
man history ; second, in what the religion of Israel and its 
daughter religions, Christianity and Mohammedanism, accom- 
plish in history and civilization ; third, in the person and 
work of Jesus Christ, the culmination of that which God has 
done through Israel for mankind. It is a mistake to neglect 
the consideration of any one of these three things. 

112. Critical questions. — In this very brief sketch of the 
view held by the postdavidic prophets, we are compelled to 
neglect the vast number of questions that have arisen in regard 
to the dates and the authorship of these writings. Differences 
on these questions would modify many of the details included 
in our proposition, but would not greatly affect the whole 
proposition. 



LECTURE XIX. 

Special Messianic Teems. 



113. The rise of these terms. — In the course of time, cer- 
tain words came to have a partly technical use in the teaching 
of the promise doctrine. As a rule, the roots of this use are 
predavidic ; there is a strong development of it in the psalms 
that are assigned to the times of David ; and the use remains 
to the close of the Old Testament. 






34 THE PROPHETS AND THE PROMISE. 

114. The Messiah. — a. The Old Testament uses this term 
less than many think, to denote a coming person, b. Four 
times, all in Leviticus, the anointed one is the Levitical priest; 
twenty-three times (e. g. 1 Sam. xxvi. 9, 11, 16, xvi. 6, 2 Sam. 
xix. 21 [22], Lam. iv. 20), he is either Saul or a Davidic king 
of Israel ; once he is Cyrus (Isa. xlv. 1); twice the patriarchs 
are the anointed ones (Ps. cv. 15, 1 Chron. xvi. 22, "prophets" 
in the parallel line, cf. Gen. xx. 7). c. Nine instances are 
disputed (1 Sam. ii. 10, 35, Pss. ii. 2, xx. 6, xxviii. 8, Ixxxiv. 
9, Hab. iii. 13, Dan, ix. 25, 26). d. The Old Testament use 
which is perpetuated in the New Testament is mainly that in 
which the word denotes David, or the reigning king of his 
line, thought of as especially the depositary of the great 
promise, e. The verb of this stem is used in connection with 
the promise quite as prominently as the noun ; used like the 
noun, but with more emphasis on prophetic gifts (e. g. Pss. 
xlv. 7 [8], Ixxxix. 20 [21], Isa. Ixi. 1). 

115. The Servant. — a. The most prominent special messianic 
term in the Old Testament, b. Used untechnically of the 
patriarchs and of Moses, Caleb, Samson, David and others 
(concordance), c. Sometimes used technically of David and 
the patriarchs (Acts iii. 26, rev. ver.. Gen. xxvi. 24, and cone, 
of both Testaments), d. Used of Israel (Isa. xli. 8, 9, xliv. 1, 
2, 21, xlv. 4, xlviii. 20, xlix. 3, and by inference xlii. 1, 19, 
xliii. 10, xliv. 26, xlix. 5, 6, 7, 1. 10, Iii. 13, liii. 11), this group 
of passages being much quoted in the New Testament, e. In 
other prophets, used of Israel and of the house of David ( Jer. 
ii. 14, XXX. 10, xxxiii. 21, 22, 26, xlvi. 27, 28, Ezek. xxviii. 25, 
xxxiv. 23, 24, xxxvii. 24, 25, 25, Hag. ii. 23, Zech. iii. 8, Mai. 
i. 6). In these prophets, the word servant is also used in the 
singular of Nebuchadnezzar, Moses, Daniel; and, in the plural, 
of the prophets ; but these facts do not disturb the fact of the 
technical use. 

116. The Servant objectified. — a. When the term servant 
is applied technically to Israel, or to the line of David, they 
are thought of, not merel}' in themselves, but as the promise 
people, and the promise dynasty (Qu. 107). b. Occasionally, 



SPECIAL MESSIANIC TERMS. 35 

this conception of Israel as the promise people becomes dis- 
tinct from the ordinary conception of Israel itself (Isa. xlix. 
5-7 cf Rom. ix. 6-8), so that Israel the servant is thought of 
as having a mission to Israel the people. 

117. The Servant and the Christian Messia) .—The best 
Jewish interpretation affirms that the Servant is Israel, and 
therefore not Jesus; much Christian interpretation says that 
the Servant is Jesus, and therefore not Israel; the true inter- 
pretation is that the Servant is Israel, and is therefore Jesus 
Christ, the highest manifestation of Yahweh in and through 
Israel (Qu. 111). 

118. The Son. — a. In or before the great Davidic promise 
(Qns. 94, 102d). b. After this promise (1 Chron. xxii. 10, Pss. 
Ixxxix. 26, ii. 7, 12, Isa. ix. 6, Hos. xi. 1, xiii. 13, Jer iii. 19, 
xxxi. 9, 20, Ezek. xxi. 10 [15], perhaps Dan. iii. 25, vii 13). 
c. The Son is either Israel, or the existing representative of 
the house of David, thought of as son to Yahweh. d. Com- 
pare '' son of David", ''son of man*', "son of God", in the 
New Testament. 

119. Sons of promise. — The "seed" was to be perpetuated 
by fresh births in each generation. Perpetual parentage, 
therefore, is included in the promise. Critical points in its 
history are marked by the gift of promised sons, as Isaac, 
Ishmael, Samson, Samuel, Solomon. In these instances, the 
mothers are made prominent: witness Hagar, Sarah, Manoah's 
wife, Hannah, Bathsheba. There is a sonship of human 
motherhood, distinct from the sonship of divine fatherhood. 

120. The Chosen one, or Elect one. — a. Noun plural (Ps. 
cv. 6, 43, Isa. Ixv. 9, 15, 22, etc.). b. Noun singular (Ps. 
Ixxxix. 3, Isa. xlii. 1, xliii. 20, xlv. 4). c. Passive participle 
(Ps. Ixxxix. 19, Jer. xlix. 19, 1. 44). d. Analagous use of 
verb (Deut. vii. 6, xiv 2, 1 Ki. xi. 13, 32, 34, Isa. xli. 8, 9, 
and many other places). 

121. The Hasidh. — a Our versions variously render this 
word "holy one," "saint," " merciful one," "godly one," 
It is from the same stem with hesedh, often rendered mercy, 
but properly loving kindness. Oftener than in all other uses 



36 THE PROPHETS AND THE PROMISE. 

combined, hesedh denotes Yahweh's loving kindness, under 
the promise, to Israel and the line of David. A hasidJi is 
characteristically a permanent depositary of this loving kind- 
ness of Yah weh. b. Three times the hasidh is Yahweh him- 
self (Jer. iii. 12, Ps. cxlv. 17, Deut. xxxiii. 8, cf. Ps. xviii. 25 
[26], 2 Sam. xxii. 26). c. Seventeen times the word is plural, 
translated saints in our versions (concordance) , denoting Israel- 
ites in the character of the promise people, d. Once the word 
is used in the singular with an indirect reference to the nation 
Israel (Ps. xliii. 1). e. Used in the singular to denote a per- 
son, hasidh is without the article, but is generally to be iden- 
tihed with the speaker, and the speaker with the house of 
David (Mic. vii. 2, Pss. xii. 1 [2], xxxii. 6, xviii. 25 [26], iv. 3 
[4], Ixxxvi. 2). /. In four instances there are variant read- 
ings (Ps. xvi. 10, 1 Sam. ii. 9, Ps. Ixxxix. 19 [20], Prov. ii. 8). 
In the first three of these the noun is probably singular, and 
in each is an instance of a pre-eminent hasidh^ like some of 
the instances in 6. 

122. The Branch — Tsemdh — A mode of speech starting in 
David's time, bnt mainly elaborated by Jeremiah (2 Sam. xxiii. 
4-5, Isa. iv. 2-6, Jer. xxiii. 5-8, xxxiii. 14-18 cf. 19-26, Zech. 
iii. 8 and context, vi. 12 and context). 

123. The Branch— Netser, — Perhaps the translation should 
be "flower" (Isa. xi. 1-10, Ix. 21, and indirectly xiv. 19, Dan. 
xi. 7). 

124. The use of these ^er/^5.— They differ in actual use, but 
they are mostly capable of being thought of alike : a. Each 
may denote any person, regarded as in close relations with 
Yahweh. h. Each prevailingly denotes either the Israelitish 
race or the line of David or both, but always with especial 
reference to their close relations with Yahweh. c. In the use 
of each, stress is laid on God's purpose for mankind, on this 
as eternal, and to have its most glorious manifestation in the 
future, d. In the use of each, the prophet ordinarily speaks 
subjectively, as a man of Israelitish race speaking of things 
that are Israelitish; but each is capable of being used objective- 
ly, so that the promise nation or the promise king, for example, 



COLLATERAL LINES OF MESSIANIC TEACHING, "37 

will be thought of as differing f rorti the nation or king actually 
existing, and as having a mission to these (Qu. 116. for example). 



LECTURE XX. 
Collateral Litres of Messiakic TEACHiira. 

125. Pre-Abrahamic. — a. Yahweh's relations with Adam, 
including the protevangelium (Gen. iii, 15). b. Abel's sacri- 
fice (Gen. iv. Mat. xxiii. 35, Luke xi. 51, Heb. xi. 4, xii. 24, 1 
Jo. iii. 12, Jade 11). c. Noah, especially the covenant (Gen. 
vi. 18, ix. 9, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17). d. The record of these 
supplemented in Israel the central line of messianic teaching, 
especially touching sin and redemption, and God's purpose 
for mankind. 

126. The kingdom and universal peace. — a. Many of the 
passages are familiar (e g. Isa. ii. 2-4, Mic. iv. 1-5, Isa. iv. 
2-6, xi. 1-10, Ixv. 25, Ezsk xxxiv. 24-31, Pss. ii. 8, Ixxii. 8, 
Dan. ii. 44-45, vii. 27, etc.). b. Amplifications of the promise 
of royalty to the seed of Abraham (e.g. Gen.xvii.6,16, xxxv.ll), 
to Israel (Ex. xix. 6, etc.), and especially to the seed of David 
(Qn. 102ce, and references there made). c. Emphasizing 
God's purpose through Israel for the nations, in the messianic 
promise, d. Appearing in the New Testament doctrine of the 
kingdom of God. 

127. The last days. — a. A doctrine concerning certain future 
times that shall be times of retribution to Israel for his lack 
of fidelity to the promise covenant, but also of the fulfillment 
of the promise, and of overthrow to his enemies ; beginning 
early, and extending through the Old Testament (e. g. Gen. 
xlix. 1, Num. xxiv. 14, Deut. iv. 30, xxxi. 29, Isa. ii. 2, Hos. 
iii. 5, Jer. xxiii. 20, Dan. x. 14). b. Closely connected with 
the passages concerning the kingdom, c. In the New Testa- 
ment, used of the time then current and coming (e. g Acts ii 
17, Heb. i. 2, 1 Pet. i. 20, 2 Pet. iii. 3); and, in the singular, 
at least, of the end of the world (John vi. 39, 40, etc.). 



THE PROPHETS AND THE PROMISE. 



128. The day of Yahweh.— a. A specification under "the 
last days." Appearing, perhaps, at the exodus, but exceed- 
ingly prominent from Joel on (e. g. Ex. xxxii. 34, Joel i. 15, 
ii.l, 11, and concordance), Joel, Obadiah, Zephaniah, and other 
prophetic books or discourses, of different dates, being mono 
graphs on the Day of Yahweh, and the day being frequently 
mentioned in the other prophecies. Often spoken of as "that 
day," and as a day when Yahweh "cometh." b. It is a day 
of signal punishment to Israel, and yet of signal fulfillment of 
the promise. c. It is, at every date, impending. d. Its 
phraseology passes over into that of " the day of the Lord " 
of the ISTew Testament. 

129. The angel, and ihe fheophanies. — a. See Qn. 44, and 
make a bible reading in the Old Testament on the word Angel. 
b. The theophanic Angel appears at all stages of the history, 
from Abraham to Malachi, and is especially prominent in giv- 
ing Israel possession of the promise (e. g. Ex. iii 2, xiv. 19, 
xxiii. 20, 23, xxxii. 34 and contexts, Mai. iii 1, 1, etc.. Mat. 
xi. 10, Mc. i. 2, Lc. vii. 27, rightly understood), c. He is rep- 
resented as in relations with the coming of Yahweh, the day 
of Yahweh, the last days, the kingdom, d. Often he appears 
in human form ; and he is affirmed to be Yahweh himself, el 
In the doctrine of the Angel we have some of the elements of 
the New Testament doctrine of the Incarnation. 

130. The succession of prophets as a type. — a. From Moses 
on, they claim this character (Deut. xviii, Acts iii. 21, 24, 
22-23). b. As the word " messiah " (Qu. 114d) seems to in- 
dicate a culmination of the promise in a personal king, so her6 
we are led to expect a culmination in a personal prophet, c. 
The prophet is especially the organ of God's Spirit, and this 
characterizes the antitype as well as the type. 

131. Ceremonial types. — a. Every part of the national wor- 
ship, the temple, the sacrifices, the priesthood, etc., had a 
typical value, teaching the great truths involved in the mes- 
sianic promise, that is, the truths of sin and redemption, of the 
separateness of Israel, of Grod's eternal purpose for the nations 
through Israel ; and so pointing forward to the coming stages 



PARTICULAR PROPHECIES. 39 

oL' the falfillment. 6. Especially emphasized in the epistle to 
the Hebrews, and in the New Testament doctrine of vicarious 
sacrifice. 

1B2. Other types. — The ark, Noah, Melchizedek, Joseph, 
Jonah, etc. The statements commonly made need sifting. 

133. Disconnected predictions. — If we recognize such pas- 
sages as that concerning Shiloh (Gen. xlix. 10), or the utter- 
ances of Balaam (Num. xxiii-xxiv), as disconnected messianic 
predictions, they are to be classed here. 

134. Mediatorial suffering,— ^ee Qu. 110. This idea, as 
connected with Israel's mission for the nations, is much in- 
sisted on in the use of the special terms, and in the collateral 
lines ; and passes over into the New Testament doctrine. 



LECTURE XXI. 
Specimen Prophecies. 



135. The second psalm. — a. Attributed to David by the 
men of the New Testament, b. Four triplets of verses, c. 
The subject is a certain transaction : the exaltation of a per- 
son who is described as Yahweh's king, his annointed, his son 
(6, 2, 7, perhaps 12). d. Each triplet describes the attitude 
of a certain party toward the transaction : opposing powers 
(1-3); Yahweh (4-6); the person exalted (7-9); human lead- 
ers in general, as advised by the singer (10-12). e. Presum- 
ably the original reference is to a political situation in David's 
time. /. Verses 1-3 cited as applying to the crucifixion (Acts 
iv. 25-27). g. Yer. 7 cited in proof of the exaltation of Jesus 
Christ (Acts xiii. 33, Heb. i. 5, v. 5). h. The remaining verses 
cited in several less conspicuous allusions. 

136. The seventy- second psalm. — a. Not cited in the New 
Testament, but generally regarded as messianic and missionary. 
b. Solomon is mentioned in the title, but apparently as subject 
rather than author, c. The verbs are prevailingly either in 
the descriptive present, or the voluntative ; the current trans- 



40 THE PROPHETS AND THE PROMISE. 

lations in the future are misleading. The psalm is mainly a 
description of the glories of Solomon's reign, d. Translate 9a r 
*' Before him deserts bow." e. In the rhythmical structure, 
the second line of each conplet requires something to, be sup- 
plied from the first line. /. Hence 17cd should be translated; 

'' And may all nations bless themselves in him, 
Call him happy." 

g. The real subject of the psalm is not Solomon in himself 
considered, but Solomon regarded as the representative of the 
eternal seed of David and of the promise to Abraham (17), and 
the psalm is therefore rightly counted messianic. 

137. The forty fifth psalm. — a. The title and contents in- 
dicate that this is a song sung at a royal marriage, h. It be- 
gins vidth a prelude, and closes with a doxology (1, 17). c. 
The singer addresses a king (2-7); a second king and his 
empress (8-9); the bride (10-12); a third king, speaking to 
himof the bride, who is "within" (13-16). d. Presumably these 
parties are Jehoshaphat, Ahab and Jezebel, Athaliah, Jehoram 
of Judah (concordance), but that does not affect the messianic 
bearing of the psalm, e. The line "Thy throne, OGfod, is for- 
ever and ever" (6) is an apostrophe, addressed to deity. The 
statement in prose would be "thy throne, O king, is Grod's 
throne, and is forever and ever" — not God's throne in heaven, 
but God's Davidic throne on earth (1 Chron. xvii. 14, xxix. 
23, 2 Chron. ix. 8, xiii. 8). /. This first king, therefore, is 
thought of not merely in himself, but as the representative, 
for the time, of David's eternal seed. g. This changes the 
current interpretation of Heb. i. 8-9, but does not change its 
logical value for proving the immeasurable superiority of the 
Son to the angels. 



LECTURE XXII. 

Specimek Peophecies — Continued. 

138. Isaiah ix. 2-7.— -a. Isa. vii-xii a continuous discourse, 
probably of the later years of Ahaz, made up in part by re- 



- THE MESSIANIC EXPECTATION. 41 

capitulating earlier discourses (vii. 1-9, 10-25, viii. 1-4, 5-8, 
11-16, ix. 8--X. 4, xii. b. ix. 2-7 is a part of the prophet's 
comment on these cited discourses, but is in itself a highly 
wrought piece of poetical composition, c. Its direct purpose 
is to encourage Judah, in terrible suffering from Assyrian in- 
vaders, d. It does this by insisting upon the promise given 
to the nation and to David, emphasizing efspecially the terms 
* 'son" and "kingdom" (Qus. 118, 94, 102d, 126). e. It counts 
the promise to be forever, and exalts the "son," even to the 
extent of giving him divine names). /. Note Luke i. 14-15. 

139. Isaiah xi. 1-10.— Another pare of the same discourse, 
using the promise, in other aspects, for the same purpose. 

140. Isaiah mi. 10-25. — a Part of the same discourse, be- 
ing one of the earlier prophecies cited in it. b. The words 
addressed in the second j)erson feminine to the virgin mother 
(14) are those of the angel to Hagar (Gen. xvi. 11), paralleled in 
the promises concerning Isaac and Samson (Gen. xvii. 19, Jud. 
xiii. 5, 7). c. As the promise to David is used as the basis of 
the other two passages, so, in this earlier transaction, the sign 
given to Ahaz consists in the repetition of that promise. 
Probably the hearers understood the prophet to refer to an 
ideal mother of the " seed" of David (Qu. 119). 

141. Isaiah Hi. Vd-liii. 12. — This fits the history of Israel 
among the nations ; and it fits the atoning work of Jesus 
Christ. One of these need not exclude the other. 



LECTURE XXIIL 

MeSSIAT^IC EXPECTATIOI^ AI^D FULFILLMEI^T. 

142. Sources for the New Testament times. — By far the 
most explicit and trustworthy source is the New Testament 
itself. Other sources are the later Apocrypha, the Psalter of 
Solomon, the book of Enoch, Josephus, Philo, etc., with the 
traditions of the early Christian fathers and the talmudists. 

143. A temporal deliverer f — The statement so commonly 



43 THE PROPHETS AND THE PROMISE. 

made, that the Jews of the time of Christ were looking for a 
political messiah, who should free them from the Romans, and 
make them a dominant nation, has the same sort of truth with 
other crude general statements. 

144. The actual nature of the expectation. — a. The Jews 
were looking for a signal manifestation of Yahweh, under the 
old promise to the nation, b. Different persons expected 
different things, c. Very prominent was the expectation of 
a person of the royal line of David (John i. 41, 45, etc.). d. 
But there were uncertainties as to whether the manifestation 
would be through one person or through several (John i. 19-27, 
Mat. xvi. 13-14, etc.), and, indeed, a very general uncertainty 
as to the form it might be expected to assume, e. The pre- 
vailing idea of it was that of the kingdom of God or the king- 
dom of heaven, the messiah being thought of as the anointed 
king in that kingdom. /*. The New Testament accounts im- 
ply that the eternal and spiritual elements in the expected 
manifestation, its character as connected with redemption from 
sin, its mission for all mankind through Israel, were familiar 
to the minds of devout Israelites (Luke i. 15-17, 32-35, 54-55, 
68-79, ii. 30-32, Mat. ii. 2-8, i. 21, John i. 29, 36, etc.). Ideas 
of this kind were prevalent enough so that a person would be 
intelligible when speaking of them. g. John the Baptist him- 
self knew that Jesus was the lamb of God and his own might- 
ier successor, but did not know whether Jesus was ''he that 
should come" (Mat. iii, Mark i, Luke iii, John i. 19-36, iii. 
27-36, Mat. xi. 3, Luke vii. 19). h. The uncertainties were 
not cleared, even for the disciples, till after the resurrection 
(Luke xxiv, etc.). ^. The idea of a personal messiah which 
is exhibited in the claims of the false messiahs belongs mainly 
later than the time of Jesus. 

145. Fulfillment.— a. In the Israelitish race, in Israel's re- 
ligion and its daughter religions, in the person and work of 
Jesus Christ (Qas. Ill, 117, etc.). b. Though the culminating 
fulfillment is in the person of the divine-human Savior, as 
manifested in Jesus Christ, yet there are remainders of the 
eternal promise yet to be fulfilled, both in the Israelitish race, 



APOLOGETIC VALUE. 43 

in tlie spread of the kingdom on the earth, and in the blessed- 
ness of the recipients of the promise, in heaven. 



LECTURE XXiy. 

The Apologetic Value of Messian^ic Prophecy. 

146. — Traditional form of the argument. — That the prophets 
made many predictions concerning a person to come, known 
as the messiah ; and that these were fulfilled in Jesus, thus 
proving the divine mission both of those who foresaw, and of 
him who was foreseen. 

147. Value of this argument — a. Correct, when properly 
defined, h. Practically weakened by the mistaken claims 
that some of its advocates have made; by the fact that some 
of the instances are not obvious ; by its lack of unity ; by its 
associations with mistaken theories of prophecy. 

148. Restatement. — Messianic doctrine as stated in these 
lectures affords a basis for several independent arguments for 
the truth and the supernatural origin of the religion revealed 
in the scriptures. 

149. Argument from the promise as the statement of a 
national ideal. — a. No such ideal in any other nation, b. No 
school of criticism disputes that this ideal was in the con- 
sciousness of Israel as early as 800 B. C. 

150. Argument from fulfilled prediction.— a. See Qas. 145, 
111, 117, etc. b. When we substitute the conception of one 
promise for that of many foretold events, this argument gains 
in strength. 

151. Argument from historical verisimilitude. — With the 
view we have taken of the promise and its fulfillments, they 
constitute a historical movement, extending over some thou- 
sands of years of past time, and indefinitely into the future. 
This movement, whether considered in itself, in its relations 
with other history, or as the channel of a special revelation 
from God, is one that will stand the tests of all reasonable 
investigation. 



44 THE PROPHETS AND THE PROMISE. 

152. Argument from details. — a. Each of the arguments 
thus far mentioned grows in strength as we examine the de- 
tails, h. In addition, this doctrine of the one promise affords 
a ready solution of many of the apologetical questions that 
arise. 

153. The men of the Neiv Testament as scientific histor- 
ians.— Certsim conceptions of historical continuity underly 
the New Testament interpretations of what the Old Testament 
says concerning the promise. In this, the best historians even 
of our own age are not in advance of the men of the New 
Testament, and most men who have treated of their themes 
are far behind them. This marks them as rarely trustworthy, 
whether we account for it by inspiration, or by the possession 
of remarkable insight. 



Questions for Review. 

6i. Define prediction, prophecy, doctrine, as messianic terms. 

62. In what parts of the Old Testament does the New find messianic 
doctrine? 

63. How did Paul state the doctrine to Agrippa? 

64. According to the New Testament, what is the one messianic promise? 

65. What does it mean by the promises? 

66. Its view of the Abrahamic promise in the history of Israel? 

67. Its view of Christ's relation to the promise? 

68. Of the promise and the gospel? 
6g. Of the promise and the gentiles? 

70. Mention some special terms which it uses in this teaching. 

71. Some special modes of representation. 

72. Its statements concerning the promise and the resurrection? 

73. Speak of ezsegesz's, and how to avoid it. 

74. How far shall we use other religions as a source? 

75. In this study, how shall we deal with our prejudices? 

76. Give the general divisions of the subject. 

77. What constitutes the main line of Old Testament fact? 

78. Does the Old Testament connect sin, etc., with messianic teaching? 

79. Tell about the promise to Abraham. 

80. a. Tell something concerning the "seed" promised to Abraham, b. 
How numerous? c. The nation? d. The assembly? e. The kings? /. The 
promised land? g. Other subordinate items? 

81. What was the great thing in the promise? 



QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW. 45 

82. a. How is this item emphasized by repetition? d. How by its position? 
c. How by the name Abraham? d. Its relation to the "seed"? e. To the 
covenant? /. How regarded in the New Testament? 

83. a. The two uses of the word "seed" in the promise? d. The signifi- 
cance of the singular collective form? 

84. The relation of the promise to the two covenants? 

85. How about a "peculiar people " in the patriarchal times? 

86. How much emphasis is laid on the eternity of the promise? 

87. Speak of the contemporary understanding and use of the promise. 

88. How do these facts affect its predictive value? 

89. a. How important are the questions as to the date and author of the 
narratives in Genesis? d. How far do the messianic facts depend on these 
questions? c. How far on the minute historical correctness of the records? 

91. How do the records of the exodus treat the promise to Abraham? 

92. Mention three ways in which, in the time of the exodus, the fact that 
Israel was God's own people was emphasized. 

93. Prove that the idea of blessing for mankind was also then emphasized. 

94. How about Israel as the son of Yahweh? 

95. a. The eternity of the promise ? d. Its irrevocability? 

96. Speak of its interpretation in those times. 

98. Give some account of the rest-promise. 

99. Give an account of the circumstances of the promise to David. 

TOO. The form of the promise to David? 

loi. Some points connecting it with the exodus promise and the promise to 
Abraham ? 

102. a. " What is David's "house"? d. How about the temple? c. The 
kingdom? d. The "son"? e. The duration of the promise? /. Its revoca- 
bility? g-. "The law of mankind "? 

103. Contemporary interpretation? 

104. How much of the Old Testament is messianic? 

105. a. The central religious doctrine of the prophets? ^. The nature of 
their messianic utterances? 

106. Modes in which they taught messianic doctrine? 

107. Speak of the idea of Israel as the people of promise. 

108. a. From the dedication services of the temple, show that gentiles had 
an interest in the promise, d. Cite two other passages to the same effect. 

no. What is said of the sufferings of the agent of the promise? 

III. a. Show that the fulfillment of this promise must be cumulative, and 
with culminating periods, d. In what three things consists the fulfillment in 
our own times? 

114. Give an account of " messiah " as used in the Old Testament. 

115. A general account of " the servant." 

116. Explain the occasional double use of this term. 

117. How is " the servant" to be identified with Christ? 

118. The use of the special term " son "? 

119. Give some account of the promised sons in the Old Testatment, 

120. The term "chosen," or "elect"? 

121. The term hasidJi> 



46 THE PROPHETS AND THE PROMISE. 

122. The "branch " of David? 

123. The " flower " of David? 

124. Give some points as to the use of these various terms. 

125. Mention the pre-Abrahamic messianic teachings. 

126. The teachings concerning the kingdom and universal peace. 

127. Concerning the "last days." 

128. Concerning the " day of the lord." 

129. Concerning the Angel, and the theophanies. 

130. Concerning the prophets as types. 

131. Concerning the priests and the ceremonial law as types. 
134. Concerning mediatorial suffering. 

144. How far is it true that the Jews of the time of Jesus expected a tem- 
poral Messiah? 

145. What is the culminating fulfillment of the promise? Is this the same 
as the final fulfillment? 

146. What has been the prevailing form of stating the apologetic argument 
from messianic prophecy? 

147. Give an estimate of this argument. 

149. State the argument from the national ideal in the promise. 

150. From the promise as fulfilled prediction. 

151. From the doctrine of the promise in its relation to details. 

152. From the promise and its fulfillment regarded as a historical process. 

153. From the position of the men of the New Testament as scientific his- 
torians. 



OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

REVISION OF 1900. 



OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 



Revision of i900. 

LECTURE I. 
Scope. Divisioisrs. 

1. The subject. — The principal subject of these Studies is 
The Literary Character and Origin of the Old Testa- 
ment. Incidentally, this includes some notice of most of the 
current questions concerning the Old Testament. It includes 
no doctrine of inspiration ; that belongs to a different depart- 
ment. 

2. Relations to the doctrine of inspiration. — The study of 
the literary character of the bible is logically antecedent to 
that of its claims to be divinely inspired. Hence, a. in the 
present discussion, we are not entitled to use as premises 
either the assumption that the bible is inspired, or the as- 
sumption that it is not. h. Or, accepting its inspiration, we 
are not qualified to infer therefrom its literary character and 
origin, but must investigate these, on evidence, as matters of 
history. 

3. Sources of information. — The principal scource is the 
Old Testament itself. Supplementary sources are: a. Other 
literature, including the JSTew Testament, the secondary Jew- 
ish writings, early Christian tradition, incidental mention in 
Greek and Koman authors, and, more important than most of 
these, the writings of Egyptians, Assyrians, Babylonians, Hit- 
tites, Arabians and others, recovered within the last few de- 
cades, b. The testimony of Astronomy, Geography, Topog- 
raphy, ancient ruins and objects found in them. Philology, 
Ethnology, etc., to some of the points involved in our study, 
c. Our knowledge of the order of nature, and of the possibili- 
ties and probabilities of human conduct in certain circum- 
stances. 



50 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

4. Kinds of evidence. — The evidence in regard to the bible 
is sometimes classified as external and internal. A better 
classification is into evidence from testimony and evidence 
from phenomena. Evidence of testimony is that which comes 
in the form of statements of fact as to the question in hand, 
whether found in the books themselves or elsewhere; for ex- 
ample, the statement that Jeremiah wrote the letter beginning 
Jer. xxix. 1. Evidence from phenomena is that which exists 
in the form of peculiarities of language, style, contents, in the 
books themselves. These peculiarities are phenomena, to be 
observed and studied and classified. The evidence in regard 
to the origin of a book drawn from the phenomena it presents 
may sometimes be more full and more conclusive than the 
direct testimony that we have concerning it. The phenomena 
that constitute critical evidence are of various kinds: linguistic 
phenomena, rhetorical phenomena, phenomena in the facts 
stated, etc. One class so important as to deserve a name by 
itself consists in the allusions to historical events found in any 
writing. Let us call this the evidence of historical allusion. 
It includes those portions of the evidence from phenomena 
which depend on the facts stated, rather than upon the literary 
peculiarities of statement. See Christian Thought for Nov., 
1884, pp. 177-203. 

5. The validity of testimony. — The accepted rule is that 
testimony is to be carefully tested, but that it is to be believed 
unless there is reason to the contrary, either in the incredibili- 
ty of the thing testified to, or of some other kind. Testimony 
to miracle is not necessarily incredible. The rule applies to 
the testimony concerning the Old Testament, whether found 
in the Old Testament itself or in other sources. 

6. The testimony of the Old Testament writers. — The old 
traditions of Christendom regard it as exceedingly trust- 
worthy; the new traditions now widely taught regard it as the 
reverse. This is the most important difference between the 
two. 

7. The point of view of assei^ted historicity. — Doubtless most 
of us are convinced that inspiration guarantees the minute 



HISTORICITY. 51 



historical trutlifulness of the bible: does it follow that we 
ought to take this as the basis of our investigations? a. To do 
this is contrary to correct method. So far as this study is 
concerned, the doctrine of inspiration is, as we have just seen, 
before us, not behind us. b. If we start from this basis, we 
convince only those who accept the basis; it is far more im- 
portant to convince others, c. The best test of the historicity 
of the Old Testament is the .using of it in an actual historical 
investigation. Any assumption that excludes this test is unde- 
sirable. 

8. The point of view of asserted lack of historicity. — Are we 
therefore to regard the Old Testament as so saturated with 
unhistorical elements that we can only gaess at the value of 
its statements ? Some men are convinced that it is so : does 
it follow that we ought to take this as the basis of our investi- 
gations ? a. The three reasons just given apply against this 
equally as against the point of view of alleged certainty, h. 
It is simply fair treatment of the direct evidence that we first 
take pains to understand it, before we begin rejecting or mod- 
ifying it. 

9. The point of view of provisional historicity. — The truly 
scientific point of view is the one defined by the question: 
Supposing the evidence of the Old Testament to be trust- 
worthy, what results do we reach *? Studying thus, it is sup- 
posable that we may find it impossible to reach results, or that 
we may reach unsatisfactory results, or that the results may 
be satisfactory ; but at any rate, this is the place to start. 
The only correct method is to begin by studying the Old Testa- 
ment evidence till we either understand it or know it to be 
unintelligible; not till we have done this are we ready to apply 
other tests of critical judgment. 



LECTURE II. 

The Secoin^daey Sacred Literature. 

10. lis bulk.— The known Christian and Jewish writings be- 
fore 500 A. D. fill hundreds of large volumes. The few pas- 



53 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 



sages that any one may cite from this mass of evidence are 
only specimens — not the whole. 

11. The modern period. Maimonides. — About 1038 A. D. 
the centres of Jewish learning were transfered from the orient 
to Europe, notably to Spain. We need notice no Jewish 
writers later than this, excepting to note that Maimonides, 
born at Cordova A. D. 1135, did such admirable work in col- 
lecting and digesting the traditions of his people, that his 
writings have ever since remained a storehouse of materials on 
these subjects. 

12. The secondary sacred writings and writers. — a. Midrash 
means "inquiry." The word is sometimes used to denote all 
the Jewish writings that deal with the Old Testament and the 
sacred traditions; more properly, it denotes a certain class of 
them. h. The sopherim, "scribes," were writers or students 
who busied themselves with the Old Testament or sacred tra- 
ditions. 

13. First classification; chronological.— The Tno?,l celebisited 
v^ork in the secondary literature is the Talmud. Hence the 
scribes and their writings may be classed as follows. 

First, Pretalmudic, before about 200 (or 300) B. C. (Lect. X). 

Second, Talmudic: a. Early Tanaite, 200 (or 300) B. C. to 
70 A. D. b. Later Tanaite, 70 to 200 A. D. c. Amoraite, 200 
to 550 A. D. But see Mielzinger's classification. 

Third, Posttalmudic, about 550 to 1038 A. D. 

14. Terms explained. — The Tanaim were "repeaters" of re- 
ligious tradition, especially of "the oral law". The scribes 
and lawyers of our Saviour's time were Tanaim. The later 
Tanaim, from about the time of the destruction of Jerusalem 
by Titus, wrote the traditions, thus forming the mishna. The 
Amoraim wrote the gemara, comment on the Mishna. The 
Mishna and the Palestinian gemara are the Jerusalem Talmud; 
the Mishna and the gemara of Babylonia are the Babylonian 
Talmud. Obtain further information from books of reference. 

15. Second classification; geographical. — They mostly fall 
into three groups, the Alexandrian, the Palestinian, the 
Babylonian. 



SECONDARY SACRED LITERATURE. 53 

16. Third classification; theological. — Their contents are 
•classified as halaka and hagada, the former being the more 
authoritative. 

17. Fourth classification; literary. — I. Miqra : the Old 
Testament. 

II. Hellenistic writings : current principally in Greek. 

(1) Translations of the Old Testament : the Septuagint (see 
Lect. IX); other translations soon after the Christian era. 

(2) Pseudobiblical. a. Pseudepigraphical : for example, 
the book of Enoch ; the Jewish portions of the Sibylline ora- 
cles ; the Apocalypse of Baruch ; the Psalms of Solomon; the 
Assumption of Moses ; the Ascension of Isaiah ; the Book of 
Jubilees ; the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs ; 2 Esdras; 
4 and 5 Maccabees, b. Apocryphal : for example, the Apocry- 
pha of our bibles ; 3 Maccabees ; the 151st Psalm ; the Septua- 
;gint additions to Job, Samuel, Kings, etc. 

(8) Historical : for example, the books of the Maccabees ; 
Josephus, 37 to 103 A. D. ; other works, many of them not 
now extant. 

(4) Philosophical: for example, Aristobulus and Aristaeus, 
second century B. C. ; Philo, just before Christ; the early 
dabala, in the ancient parts of the books of Jezirah and Zohar; 
4 Maccabees. 

(5) Pseudohellenic: imitations of Greek classics, now extant 
only in quoted fragments. 

(6) The ]N"ew Testament books when looked at merely as 
Jewish literature. 

III. Hebraistic writings: in Hebrew or Aramaic. 

(1) On the text of scripture, a. Masora, dealing with the 
Hebrew text and pronunciation, b. Targums, translations of 
the Old Testament into Aramaic. 

(2) The Talmuds (Qu. 14). 

(3) Additional Tanaite traditions, not found in the Mishna 
proper: tosiphta^ baraitha, etc. 

(4) Midrash proper: for example, Midrash Rabboth\ Pesik- 
ta-, Midrash Tanhuma, etc. : commentaries on various parts of 
the bible, and on matters religious and ethical. 



54 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

(5) Liturgies: beginning in Tanaite times, but changing. 

(6) The Seder Olam: a chronological work of the second 
century A. D., with a later addition, the Seder Olaiyi Zutta. 

18. The Christian Fathers. — In the early preaching of 
Christianity the appeal to the Old Testament was very prom- 
inent. Consequently the hundreds of volumes of the Chris- 
tian secondary sacred literature abound in evidence concerning 
the Old Testament. 

19. Literature. — Most of these topics are discussed in the Cyclopaedias. See- 
the bibliographies there given. 

On the Talmud see Introduction to the Talmud. M. Mielzinger. In that 
work, pp. 65-102, is an extensive account of the literature of the subject. 

In the Seminary library are the Babylonian Talmud, Amsterdam, 1644; 
Schwab's transalation into French of the Jerusalem Talmud; two or more 
copies of the Mishna ; Ugolino, including many of the secondary sacred writ- 
ings; Rodkinson's Babylonian Talmud in English, now coming out in parts;, 
several editions and copies of the Ethics of the Fathers; Hershon's Talmudic 
Miscellany; Polano's Selections from the Talmud; De Sola and Raphall's 
Eighteen Treatises from the Mishna, etc. 

On the Targums see Berliner's Onkelos, and other works in the library. On 
the Hellenistic writings see many volumes in the same alcove, also Bissell's 
Apocrypha in the Lange series, and the Wace edition of the Apocrypha in the- 
revised version. 

On the Masoraand many other matters, Ginsburg's Introduction is valuable. 
So is the bibliography it contains. 

The references made in this syllabus to the Christian fathers are mostly to- 
the Migne edition. Other editions are accessible in the library. 

For secondary works see the Lit. in Lecture IV and other Lectures. 



Part L The Old Testament from A, D, J 900 Back to its Be§;inningfs.^ 

LECTURE III. 

The Old Testament in the Year 1900 A. D. 

20. The classification in the Hebrew hihles—This is properly 
the standard form in which the Old Testament now exists, a. 
The five books of the law. h. The eight books of the prophets, 
including, first, the four books of the earlier prophets, namely 
Joshua, Judges, 1 and 2 Samuel, 1 and 2 Kings; and second,. 



CANONICITY. 55 



the four books of the later prophets, namely the three major 
prophets, that is, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the book of 
the twelve minor prophets, c. The eleven books of "writings" 
or hagiographa, including first the three great poetical books. 
Psalms, Proverbs and Job; second, the five ''rolls", Solomon's 
Song, Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, Esther; third, the 
three books of "the chronicler", namely Daniel, Ezra- 
Nehemiah, 1 and 2 Chronicles. 

21. A Variation. — In this classification we have 39 books, 
«o grouped as to reduce the number to 24. Variantly, Ruth 
might be combined with Judges, and Lamentations with 
Jeremiah, thus putting these two into the category of the 
''prophets", reducing the books called the "writings" to 
nine, and the whole number to 22, the number of the letters of 
the Hebrew alphabet. This variation has historical impor- 
tance. 

22. These writings form a canon. — a. A canon differs from 
u mere aggregate or a mere collection. A canon is a collected 
aggregate recognized by competent authority, h. The literary 
question of the canon is separable from the theological ques- 
tion. It is simply a matter of fact that these 39 books stand 
by themselves, the primary sacred books of the religion of 
Israel, c. So far as the literary question is concerned, canon- 
icity is a tradition accepted by common consent. 

23. Facts that do not invalidate canonicity. — a. Differences 
of opinion concerning the religious authority of the books; or 
concerning the fitness of certain books; or the raising of the 
question of canonicity concerning some of the books; or the 
dissent of individuals from the received tradition, h. The ex- 
istence of the Old Testament in forms different from that of 
the Hebrew canon; for instance, the common translations, or 
special treatments of certain classes of books, or the Modern 
Header' s Bible. 

24. The terms ' ' law ", " prophets " , " writings ' '. — The 
writings composing the Old Testament were produced by a 
succession of men known as the prophets of Israel. No one 
disputes this when stated in this general way, though disputes 



56 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES, 

come in as soon as one begins to particularize. This fact af- 
fects the terms that denote the parts of the Old Testament. 
We need to study these terms, and especially the term "law", 
in order to be on our guard against misleading uses. 

25. ^^ The law^^ in the New Testament — Prove that "law," 
besides other uses, sometimes denotes : a. The Old Testament 
(John X. 34, XV. 25, xii. 34, 1 Cor. xiv. 21, Rom. iii. 10-19). 
h. The pentateuch (John i. 45, Mat. vii. 12, and many other 
passages). In view of the fact that the Old Testament includes^ 
the pentateuch, can you decide which of these usages most 
prevails in the New Testament ? 

26. "iaii;" in the Old Testament. — a. Torah, "law" and 
its verb horah are derived from yarah, which denotes the 
shooting of an arrow or javelin. Torah is used more than 200 
times, and /iora/i more than 60 times, b. They denote author- 
itative requirement or information, never mere ordinary in- 
struction, c. Torah always and horah nearly always denote 
a message that comes from God. Instances are given below. 
Even such cases as Prov. i. 8, vi. 20, xxxi. 26 are probably 
not exceptions. The subject of the verb is commonly the true 
God (e. g. Ex. iv. 12, 15, xv. 25, Mic. iv. 2, Isa. ii. 3), or some 
one acting as his representative (Ex. xxxv. 34, 1 Sam. xii. 23, 
2 Ki. xii. 2), but it may be any god (Hab. ii. 18, 19, Isa. xxviii. 
26). d. Torah was sometimes oral, but written torah began 
early (Isa. viii. 16, 20, Hos. viii. 12). It is said that Joshua 
(Josh. xxiv. 26) and Moses wrote torah (e. g. Deut. xxxi. 9, 
11, 24, 26, xxviii. 58, 61). e. Four syntactical uses of the 
noun are significant. First, "a law," "laws," "the law" 
with an objective genitive, used of any particular message 
given by God through a prophet (Isa. viii, 16, xxiv. 5, Ex. 
xviii. 16, 20, xvi. 28, Gen. xxvi. 5, Lev. vii. 37-38. xi. 46-47). 
Second, ' ' a law " may be an aggregate of particular laws (Neh. 
ix. 14, Deut. xxxiii. 4, Ps. Ixxviii. 5, Mai. ii. 6, etc.). Third, 
"law" is used abstractly without the article (e. g. Isa. ii. 3, 
Mic. iv. 2, Hab. i. 4, Job xxii. 22, Mai. ii. 7). Fourth, "the 
law," "the law of Yah weh," "my law," "his law," etc., the 
noun being used definitely by itself or with only a subjective^ 



OLD TESTAMENT 400 A. D. 57 

genitive, denotes the well known aggregate of divine torah, 
and necessarily implies that there was such an aggregate (e. g. 
Ex. xvi. 4, xxiv. 12, Am. ii. 4, Hos. iv. 6, viii. 1, 12, Isa. i. 10, 
V. 24). /. "The law" existed in writing from very early times 
(Hos. viii. 12, Deut. xxxi. 9-13, Josh. xxiv. 26, etc.). 

27. It is clear that the written law must have been a grow- 
ing aggregate. This was the case, no matter at what date it 
began, or what parts were the earliest. From the beginning 
it might properly be called " the law," because it was regard- 
ed as coming from God; or, "the prophets," because it was 
given through the prophets ; or " the writings," to distinguish 
it from unwritten torah. The phenomena prove, contrary to 
common opinion, that this is the original use of these terms 
as applied to the Old Testament. Their use as class names 
for the three parts of the Old Testament came in later. 



LECTURE ly. 
The Old Testament in the Year 400 A. D. 

28. Literature. — Besides other matter, one should read, in connection with 
this and the following lectures, one or more of the following works: W. H. 
Green General Introduction to the Old Testament, the Canon; Ryle Canon 
of the Old Testament; Briggs The Study of Holy Scripture; Sanday Inspir- 
ation; Buhl Canon and Text of the Old Testament; Wildeboer The Origin 
of the Canon of the Old Testament; Stuart History of the Old Testament 
Canon. The last named is an old book, but it has some important contents 
not found in the newer books. 

29. Jewish testimony; the Baba-hatra. — This treatise, con- 
tained in copies of the Babylonian Talmud, consists of Baraitha 
and Gemara. The Baraitha dates from the Tanaite period, 
that is in its substance from not later than 200 A. D. The 
Gemara is later comment. After discussion concerning the 
pentateuch, the tract proceeds : 

Baraitha: " The order of prophets is Joshua and Judges, Samuel and Kings, 
Jeremiah and Ezekiel, Isaiah and the Twelve. The order of ' the writings ' is 
Ruth, Psalms and Job and Proverbs and Ecclesiastes, the Song of Songs and 
Lamentations, Daniel, Esther, [Ezra] and Chronicles. 



58 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

And who wrote them ? Moses wrote his book, and the section of Balaam, 
and Job. Joshua wrote his book and eight verses in the law. Samuel wrote 
his book and Judges and Ruth. David wrote the book of Psalms, upon the 
hands of ten elders upon the hands of Adam the first, Melchizedek, Abraham, 
Moses, Heman, Jeduthun, Asaph, the three sons of Korah. Jeremiah wrote 
his book, and the book of Kings, and Lamentations. Hezekiah and his com- 
pany wrote Isaiah, Proverbs, the Song of Songs, and Ecclesiastes, whose 
mnemonic sign \.^ yimshaq. The men of the great synagogue wrote Ezekiel, 
and the Twelve, Daniel and the roll of Esther, whose mnemonic sign is qendag. 
Ezra wrote his book and the genealogy of Chronicles until himself." 

Gemara: "This supports Rab, for Rabbi Judah affirmed that Rab said: 
* Ezra went not up from Babylon until he had written out his genealogy; then 
he went up.' And who finished [it] ? Nehemiah the son of Hachaliah." 

Gemara: "Joshua wrote his book? But it is written there: 'And Joshua 
died.' Eleazar finished it. But also it is written there : 'And Eleazar the son 
of Aaron died.' Phinehas finished it. 

Samuel wrote his book ? But it is written there: 'And Samuel died, and they 
buried him in Ramah.' Gad the seer and Nathan the prophet finished it." 
These references are to Josh. xxiv. 29, 33, i Sam. xxv. i {Baba-batra, fol. 14b- 
15a, as cited in Ugolino, vol. I, cols. 2261f ; Stuart Canon, pp. 257-268 of ed. of 
1872; Griggs, Biblical Study, p. 175, Study of Holy Scripture, p. 252, etc.). 

Compare this list of the Old Testament books with the 
Hebrew bible. 

30. Jewish testimony: the Hebrew text. — The Hebrew text 
itself is of the nature of evidence as to the contents of the Old 
Testament from a very early period. 

31. Christian testimony: Jerome. — Translate his Prologus 
Galeatus (Migne' s Latin Patrol. , vol. XXV III, col. 598, Ugolino, 
vol. I, col. 228 ; Stuart Canon, appendix XIY, Wildeboer Oi^i- 
gin of the Canon, and many other accessible works). Jerome 
lived A. D. 341-420. He mentions the 39 books, combines 
them so as to reduce the number to either 22 or 24, preferring 
the former, and divides them into three classes. In the ar- 
rangement which makes 24 books his canon is that of the 
Hebrew bibles, with a slight difference in the order of the 
hagiographa. 

32. Other Christian lists of the fourth century. — At least 
fourteen are extant, a. Ten of them, like that of Jerome, 
speak of the 22 books, and have the Jewish canon in mind. 
These agree substantially with Jerome, and so with our Hebrew 
bibles, b. Four are based on Christian ecclesiastical author- 



OLD TESTAMENT BEFORE 300 A. D. 59 

ity, and include Judith, Tobit, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, etc., 
as books to be read in the churclies. They speak of these as 
Old Testament books, but do not affirm that they are a part 
of the Jewish Old Testament. 

33. The Vatican, Sinaitic and Alexandrian Manuscripts. 
—The first two were written the latter part of the fourth cen- 
tury, and the third a century later. They are not properly 
bibles, but bibliothecas, each containing the bible and certain 
additional religious writings. So far forth as they are bibles, 
they agree with the Christian ecclesiastical catalogues in the 
inclusion of apocryphal books, though no two are alike in 
this. 

34. Conclusions. — a. By common consent of the Jews and 
Christians of the fourth century, the Jewish bible then con- 
sisted of our 39 books and no others, counted as 22 or 24, and 
arranged in three classes, the line between the second and third 
classes being slightly fluctuating, h. There were translations 
of these books with other matters added ; and some Christians 
failed to distinguish between the books proper and the addi- 
tions, c. In addition to the Jewish canon, the Christians 
used some of the Jewish secondary sacred books, and at length 
accepted them ecclesiastically as a part of the Old Testament 
for Christian use. d. There is no trace of a Jewish Alex- 
andrian canon different from the Palestinian. 



LECTURE V. 
The Old Testament in the Centueies Befoee 300 A. D. 

35. Victorinus of Pettau. —Ahoxxt 290 A. D. Commenting- 
on Rev. iv. 7-10, he says : 

" The twenty-four elders are the 24 books of the prophets and the law.'» 
" The books of the Old Testament which are received are 24, which thou mayest 
find in the epitomes of Theodorus " (Migne Pat. Lat. V. 324-325), 

36. Or igen.— Lived A. D. 185-253. The greatest Christian 
exegetical scholar of early times. Eusebius professes to quote 
Origen word for word, in the following excerpts (Migne Pat. 



60 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

Graec. XII. 1083, XX. 580; Delarue's Origen 11. 529; Stuart 
Ap. Y; Wildeboer. etc.): 

" It must be known that the canonical books, as Hebrews relate, are 22 in 
number, according to the number of their letters." 

"These are the 22 books, according to Hebrews: The book which with us 
bears the title Genesis is called by Hebrews, from the beginning of the book, 
Bresith, that is ' In the beginning'; Exodus, Oualesmoth, that is, ' These 
are the names'; Leviticus, Oz///i'r«, that is, 'And he called '; Numbers, Am- 
mesphckodim \ Deuteronomy, Elle Haddebarim, that is, 'These are the 
words '; Joshua the Son of Nun, Jo sue ben Noun\ Judges, Ruth (with them in 
one), Sophetim ; Kings first and second (among them one), Samouel, ' the 
called of God '; Kings third and fourth in one " — 

In this fashion the list continues, including the following 
books : first and second Chronicles ; Ezra first and second 
Psalms ; Proverbs ; Ecclesiastes ; Song of Songs ; Isaiah 
Jeremiah "with Lamentations and the epistle in one, leremia! 
Daniel ; Ezekiel ; Job ; Esther. 

"Aside from these there are the Maccabees, which are inscribed Sarbeth 
Sarbene El." 

37. Points concerning Origen^ s testimony. — a. He excludes 
the books of Maccabees, speaking of them as efo) Be tovtcov. 
b. There is sufficient proof that he included the book of the 
twelve minor prophets, its omission in this copy being a copy- 
ist's mistake. This book is needed to make out the 22 ; in his 
Hexapla and other works Origin recognizes all the twelve; the 
book of the twelve is found in the catalogues made by his dis- 
oiples, Hilary and Pufinus for example, c. On the evidence, 
his 1 and 2 Ezra are probably our Ezra and Nehemiah, and 
not, as in some of the later lists, 1 Esdras andEzra-Nehemiah. 
d. In Origen' s works, alike in the Hexapla, the Homilies and 
the Selecta, Jeremiah and Lamentations are largely treated, 
and Baruch and the Baruch epistle not at all ; hence it is 
probable that the words " and the epistle" in this copy of his 
catalogue are the easy error of some later copyist, e. If these 
points are well taken, Origen' s Jewish Old Testament con- 
tained our 39 books and no others, grouped as 22, but with no 
hint of the threefold division. /. In his epistle to Africanus 
and elsewhere, Origen distinguishes between the proper Jew- 
ish Old Testament and the additional matters that were con- 



OLD TESTAMENT BEFORE 300 A. D. 61 

tained in the MSS wliich Christians were accustomed to use, 
and holds that Christians ought to treat the latter with rever- 
-ence. Hence his respectful nse of some of the Apocrypha 
does not indicate that he confused them with the primary 
Jewish sacred writings. 

38. Translations.— "ThQ Greek translations of Aquila, Sym- 
machus and Theodotion and at least three others were made in 
the second century. Also translations into Syriac and Latin. 
Aramaic Targums were in part at least reduced to writing. 
Some of these, at least, presuppose an official Hebrew text 
{Briggs Study of Holy Scripture, pp. 191-192). 

39. Melito.— About 170 A. D. 

"Melito to Onesimus his brother, greeting. Since thou hast often requested, 
in thy zeal for the word, that selections be made for thee, from the law and 
the prophets, concerning our Saviour and the whole of our faith; and moreover 
thou art desirous of learning the exact facts concerning the ancient books, how 
many they may be in number, and what their order; I have been zealous to 
accomplish this, mindful of thy zealousness concerning the faith, and thy love 
of instruction concerning the word." 

" Making therefore a journey into the east, and being at the place where it 
'was preached and done, and learning accurately the books of the Old Covenant, 
I set in order and send to thee. Of which the names are: Of Moses five: 
■Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy. Joshua of Nun, Judges, 
Ruth, of Kings four, of C^hronicles two. The Psalms of David, the Proverbs 
or Wisdom of Solomon, Ecclesiastes, Song of Songs, Job. Prophets: Isaiah, 
Jeremiah, the Twelve in one book, Daniel, Ezekiel. Esdras. From which also 
I have made selections, distributing them into six books. (Euseb. iv. 2b, in 
Migne XX. 396, Stuart Ap. V, Wildeboer, etc.). 

Melito mentions separately our 39 books excepting Esther, 
Lamentations and Nehemiah. Counting the ommission of 
Esther as a copyist' s error, and connecting the other two with 
Jeremiah and Ezra, his Jewish Old Testament is the same with 
ours. 

40. The preface to 2 Esdras.— L^ter than 100 A. D. 

" Unto whom I will give for leaders Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, Hosea, 
Amos andMicah, Joel, Obadiah and Jonah, Nahumand Habakkuk, Zephaniah, 
Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi who is called also the Angel of the Lord" (2 
Esd. i. 39-40.) 

41. Certain Jewish traditions.— a. The substance of the 
Earaitha of Qu. 29 belongs to the second century A. D. h. 



62 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

Certain traditions as to the writing of MSS (Baba-batra foL 
13b, cited in Bulil, p. 41, Wildeboer, p. 142). 

" Bethus ben Zunin had the eight books of the prophets in one manuscript^ 
which Eleazar ben Azariah approved; but others said, Not so" (a little after 
loo A. D.). 

" The law by itself, the prophets by themselves, and the writings by them- 
selves " (Judah ben Ilai, middle of second century; his opponent Rabbi Meir 
held that it was permissible to unite the three in one manuscript). 

" There was brought us one copy containing the tor ah, the prophets and the 
writings, and we sanctioned it " (Judah the holy, latter part of second century). 

42. Discussions concerning canonicity. — They were prom- 
inent in the first third of the second century A. D., though 
some of the notices are later. The passages most commonly 
referred to are given in Qus. 43-45. 

43. '' Outside hooks^\—R2ihh\ Aqiba, A. D. 90-135, is cited 
in the Mishna {Sanhed. x. 1, printed in Ugol. XXV. 891 asxi. 
1) as classifying ''the one who reads in the outside books"" 
among those "who have no portion in the world to come". 
Probably official reading in public worship is intended. The 
Gemara intimates that the books to be read are " the law and 
the prophets and the writings", and expressly excludes 
the book of ben Sira, that is Ecclesiasticus. The doctrine 
taught may be illustrated by a later parallel: 

" Whoever introduces into his house more than the 24 books, as for instance 
the books of ben Sira and ben Toglah, brings confusion into his house''- 
{Mtdrash Ecclesiastes xii, 2, possibly as late as seventh cent.). 

44. Books that ''make the hands unclean ^\ — This is the 
technical phrase for canonicity. The context of the first pas- 
sage cited treats of the cessation of prophecy. 

" The book of ben Sira and all books written from this time and onward do 
not make the hands unclean " ( Tosephta Yadayim ii. 13, from 130 to 1 50 A. D.).. 

"All holy scriptures make the hands unclean. The Song of Solomon and 
Ecclesiastes make the hands unclean". "Rabbi Judah says. The Song of 
Solomon makes the hands unclean, but there is controversy concerning Eccles- 
iastes". " Rabbi Jose says, Ecclesiastes does not make the bancs unclean, 
and there is controversy concerning the Song ". " Rabbi Simeon says, Eccles.^ 
iastes is of the things in which the house of Shammai is lax, and the house of 
Hillel strict". " Rabbi Simeon ben Azzai says, I received it from the seventy 
two elders in the day when they made Rabbi Eleazar ben Azariah president, 
that the Song of Solomon and Ecclesiastes make the hands unclean. Rabbi 
Aqiba said, God forbid! No man of Israel ever contended that the Song does 



JEWISH DISCUSSION ON THE CANON. 63 

not make the hands unclean. For the whole world is not worth the day when 
the Song was given to Israel. For all " writings " are holy, but the Song is a 
holy of holies! If there was ever any controversy, it was only concerning 
Ecclesiastes ". " Rabbi Johanan ben Joshua, the son of Rabbi Aqiba's -^ather- 
inlaw, has said. As ben Azzai reports, such was the controversy, and such the 
■decision " (Mishna Yadayim iii, 5). Early in second century. 

" Rabbi Meir savs. The book Ecclesiastes does not make the hands unclean, 
and with respect to the Song of Songs there is controversy. Rabbi Joshua 
says. The Song of Songs makes the hands unclean, and with respect to 
Ecclesiastes there is controversy. Rabbi Simeon says, Ecclesiastes belongs to 
the things which the school of Shammai makes easy and the school of Hillel 
makes difficult; but Ruth, the Song of Songs and Esther make the hands un- 
'Clean. Rabbi Simeon ben Menasiah says, Ecclesiastes makes not the hands 
unclean, because it contains the wisdom of Solomon " (Babylonian Talmud 
Megillah 7a, cited in Briggs SHS, p. 130, Ryle Canon, p. 198). Rabbi Meir 
belongs to the middle of the second century, and Simeon ben Menasiah not 
much later. 

" Rabbi Judah says, Samuel taught that Esther does not make unclean the 
liands " (Bab. Gemara M'gillah fol. 7a). 

Late traditions speak of an assembly of eighty five elders, 
of whom tliirty were prophets, who discussed tlie question 
whether Esther' s feast of Purim was in contradiction with the 
pentateuch (Jerus. Gemara W gillah, fol. 70d, Schwab YI. 
206). We are also told of two men who were covering sacred 
books for Rabbi Judah; 

" But when they came to the roll of Esther they said. This requires no cov- 
•ermg. He said, This seems to be Epicureanism" (Gemara Sanhed. fol. looa). 

45. Books to he '-'stored ai(;a^".— :Like a soiled pentateuch 
roll, deposited in the g' nizah, the storeroom of the synagogue. 
For example, it is said that Hananiah the son of Hiskiah, a 
contemporary of the Gamaliel who taught Paul, saved the 
book of Ezekiel from being stored awaj^ on account of its 
seeming inconsistencies with the pentateuch. 

" They brought him 300 jars of oil, and he sat in the upper chamber and 
explained " {^Shabbath fol. 13b, Khagiga fol. 3a as cited in Ugol. X. 190). 

But it was felt that the difficulties remained, and in the 
time of Jerome, persons under thirty years of age were for- 
Ibidden to read Ezekiel (Jerome Ad Paulinum^ Ep. liii. 8). 

" It was said in the name of Rab, The sages wanted to store away the book of 
Ecclesiastes, because of its contradictory sayings. Why did they not store it 
away? Because words of tor ah are its beginning, and words of tor ah its end" 
(Bab. Talm. Skabbatk, fol. 30b, Rodkinson I. 48; also Jerome). 



64 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

'' They also sought to store away the book of Proverbs, on account of its con- 
taining contradictions. But it was not stored away, because they said. We 
have looked more deeply into Ecclesiastes and have found the solution; so will 
we do in this case also " (ibid.). 

"At first it was said that Proverbs, the Song and Ecclesiastes are to be stored 
away. They said, They include parables, and are not of the sacred books; 
and they rose up to store them away, until the men of the great synogogue 
came and explained them " {Abothof Rabbi Nathan, c. i; see Rodkinson IX. 
3). Date uncertain, but early. 

46. Conclusions from the discussions on canonicity. — a. 
Light is thrown on them by the fact that these same rabbis of 
the second century are represented as using Ezekiel, Proverbs, 
the Song, Ecclesiastes, Esther, appealing to them as authori- 
tative, treating them as they treat the other scripture. The 
instances are numerous. To Esther in particular is devoted an 
entire treatise of the Mishna, namely the M^gillaJi, followed 
by voluminous Gemara. b. No one disputes that the Jewish 
scholars of the latter half of the second century recognized the 
same Old Testament books as now, including the five that 
were under discussion, c. The discussions both assume and 
affirm that each of these five books had at that time been al- 
ready long accepted as scriptural; in each case this was chal- 
lenged, discussed, and reaffirmed. There is no trace of such a 
thing as the admitting of new books to the canon. 

47. The 94 less 70 books of 2 Esdras— About 100 A. D. The 
speaker is Ezra. He has been commanded to reprove the men. 
of his generation, and says that he will obey. 

" Bnt they that shall be born afterward, who will admonish them ? The 
world therefore lieth in darkness, and they that dwell therein are without light, 
since thy law is bnrnt ; therefore no man knoweth the things that are done by^ 
thee, or the works that shall begin. But if I have found grace before thee, 
send the Holy Spirit into me, and I will write all that hath taken place in the 
world since the beginning, which were written in thy law; that men may find 
a path, and that they who would iive in the later days may live " (2 Esd. xiy. 
20-22, in Bissell, p. 663). 

His prayer is granted, and he dictates to five scribes. 

" In forty days they wrote 94 books. And it came to pass, when the forty 
days were fulfilled, that the most high spake, saying, The first that thou hast 
written publish openly, that the worthy and unworthy may read ; but keep 
thou the 70 later ones, that thou mayest deliver them to such as are wise 
among the people " (vv. 44-46). 



JHE OLD TESTAMENT OF JOSEPHUS. 65 

48. Josephus.— Lived 37-103 A. D. In his different works he 
testifies in detail to nearly the entire Old Testament. The 
passage commonly cited is from his work Against Apion^ i. 8 
(Bekker YI. 179, Whiston 581, Shilletto V. 181, Staart Canon, 
Ap. III). One should read the context. 

" We have not myriads of books, discordant and arrayed against each other; 
but only 22 books, * * * * And ot these 5 belong to Moses, which contain both 
the laws and the history of the generations of men until his death. -^^ * * * As 
to the time from the death of Moses till the reign of Artaxerxes who was king 
of the Persians after Xerxes, the prophets who were after Moses wrote down 
what was done in their times in 13 books. The remaining 4 books contain 
hymns to God and rules of life for men. But from Artaxerxes to our own time 
everything has indeed been written, but it is not thought worthy of equal faith 
with the previous [books], by reason of the succession of the prophets not bemg 
exact." 

49. The threefold <i^^;^6•^o?^.— Josephus is the earliest writer 
to distribiite the Old Testament books into three classes, 
though earlier writers mention the three classes indefinitely. 
He was a Palestinian and a Pharisee, and his classification into 
13 books of prophets and 4 of uther writings must be regarded 
as earlier than that of the Baba-batra. The other opinion be- 
came prevalent among the Jews, but the Christian lists show 
traces of the division made in Josephus. 

50. Conclusion. — From a time earlier than 100 A. D., there 
was a recognized aggregate of primary JeAvish sacred writings. 
It consisted of our present 39 books and no others. The pen- 
tateuch formed a class by itself. The remaining books were 
regarded as constituting two classes, but the line of division 
between the two classes was unsettled till the second century 
or later. 



LECTURE VI. 

The Old Testameis^t as Recogi^ized in the New. 

51. The ' ' scriptures " , in the New Testament. — Jesus and his 
contemporaries were familiar with old Israelitish writings 
known as '*the scriptures," or "the scripture." The word 
occurs fifty or more times in the New Testament (e. g. John 



66 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

V. 39, Mat. xxi. 42, Mark xii. 24). Derivatives of the passive 
verb of the same stem, with the translation " written," are 
used about eighty five times to indicate something as found in 
the ''scripture" (Mat ii. f), iv. 4, etc.). This usage extends 
through fourteen of the New Testament books. 

52. Are their scriptures noiv identifiable f — By means of 
about 260 direct quotations, and many hundreds of allusions 
and other modes of recognition, they identify their scriptures 
with our Old Testament. Read, for example, from a bible 
with marginal references (preferably, however, from the re- 
vised text or from Westcott and Hort's Greek) such passages 
as Rom. x. 4-21, or ix, or iVcts i. 16-20, or 1 Pet. ii. 6-9, or 
Heb. i. or many of the addresses recorded in the Acts. 
Large portions of the New Testament are little else than se- 
ries ot excerpts from the Old Testament, with running com- 
ment. 

But their recognition of 1 and 2 Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, 
Ecclesiastes, Canticles, Esther, Obadiah and Nahum is less dis- 
tinct than of the other books. Some of these, possibly, they 
do not refer to at all. 

53. Their scriptui^es were in three languages.— Most of their 
citations are from the Septuagint, often, however, with modi- 
fications. Sometimes they follow the Septuagint, even when 
it differs from the Hebrew (e. g. Acts viii. 32-33) That they 
were not confined to the Septuagint, but used also the original 
Hebrew is evident from the fact that they sometimes follow 
the Hebrew when it differs from the Septuagint (e. g. Mat. 
viii. 17). That they had Aramaic translations, either complete 
or incomplete, either written or oral, appears from the fact 
that the citations in Mat. xxvii. 46, Mark xv. 34 are Aramaic. 

54. Their scriptures consist of separate books.— Thej men- 
tion the Psalms, and attribute them to David, and mention 
books of Moses, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Hosea, Daniel, Joel. There 
are about 36 of the references to other books than those of 
Moses, and about as many to Moses (Luke xx. 42, Acts xiii. 
33, ii 16, Mat. xiii. 14, xxiv. 15, Rom. ix. 25, and concord- 
ance). 



OLD TESTAMENT AS RECOGNIZED IN THE NEW. 67 

55. They classify the books. — The law and the prophets (Mat. 
vii. 12, Luke xxiv. 27 and concordance). Possibl}^ as the law, 
the prophets and the Psalms (Luke xxiv. 44). Clearly they 
sometimes speak oL' the pentateuch as the law, but if, addi- 
tionally, they distinguished between the prophets and the 
other books, we have no information as to where they drew 
the line. 

^^. Their scriptures a unit. — Though they thus speak of 
particular books and classes of books, they yet regard all their 
scriptures as constituting a whole, w^ith ascertained limits, 
separate from other literature, a. They appeal to the script- 
ures as of supreme and recognized authority (e. g. Acts xvii. 
2, 11, Mark xii. 24, and Cremer's Lexicon on the word yropho). 
b. They separate them in thought from other literature, by 
calling them "holy," "given by inspiration," etc. (e.g. Rom. 
i. 2, 2 Tim. iii. 15 rev. ver.. 16). c. They recognize these 
writings as proper to be officially read in the synagogues 
and thus as differentiated from other writings (Acts xiii. 27, 
XV. 21. 2 Cor. iii. 15, Luke iv. 16-21). d. They apply the 
term scripture to no other writings than those which they thus 
recognize as writings to be appealed to. When they speak of 
other writings, they use different phraseology (Mat. xix. 7, 
xxvii. 37, John xix. 19, Luke i. 63, xvi. 6, 7, Rev. i. 11, v. 1, 
etc.). e. With just the right exceptions to emphasize the 
rule, they prefix the article to this term, thus showing that by 
the scriptures they meant those that were commonly known 
as such, in distinction from other literature {see grapho, graphe, 
gramma, in Cremer's Lexicon). /. For this collection as a 
whole, they had not merely one name, but several names, all 
used as if they were familiarly known: " the law " (John x. 
34, XV. 25, xii. 34, 1 Cor. xiv, 21, Rom. iii. 10-19, with Old 
Testament references) ; ' ' the prophets, " " the prophetic script- 
ures," etc. (Rom. xvi. 25-27, Heb. i. 1, 2 Pet. iii. 2, Eph. ii. 
20); " the law and the prophets," " Moses and the prophets " 
(see concordance); "oracles" (Rom. iii. 2, Acts vii. 38, Heb. 
v. 12). g. This conclusion is not in the least vitiated by the 
fact that they use some of the books less than others. 



68 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 



57. Conclusion.— The writers of the New Testament recog- 
nized the same Old Testament scriptures that were recognized 
by the generations that followed them (Qu. 50), and by all 
succeeding generations. 



LECTURE VII. 

The Old Testament in the Centuries next before 

Christ. 

58. Philo. —Lived in Alexandria, an old man when Jesus 
was a young man. a. A probably authentic passage gives a 
classilication of sacred books resembling that of Josephus, but 
indefinite. 

" Laws and utterances oracularly made by prophets, and hymns, kai ta alia, 
by which knowledge and piety are increased and perfected '' {De Vita Contem- 
lativa iii). 

h. He makes much use of the classical Greek literature, de- 
votes hundreds of pages to the pentateuch, discusses the 
prophet's function at length, refers to Judges, Samuel, Isaiah, 
Jeremiah and other Old Testament books, speaks of ancient 
auxiliary writings, and ignores the writings that we call the 
Apocrypha. This is strongly against the theory that there 
was an Alexandrian canon wider than the Palestinian, c. He 
is the earliest known writer to speak of the books of the law 
as five {hife of Abraham i). 

59. Sundry witnesses. — Here might be cited the traditions 
which represent Hillel and his cont'^mporaries (second genera- 
tion before Jesus) as using the Old Testament writings ; those 
which represent the reading lessons from the prophets as being 
arranged in the Maccabaean times ; and a large number of 
particular passages from the secondary sacred books (e. g. 1 
Mac. i. 56-57, iii. 48, iv. 47, vii. 17, Tobit ii. 6). 

60. The Prologue to Ecclesiasticus. — Commonly dated B. 
C. 133, but perhaps much earlier. We postpone for the 
present the question of the date. See the passage in some 
copy of the Apocrypha. The writer speaks of 

' ' the law and the prophets and the other [books] that follow along with 
them ". 



THE OLD TESTAMENT SHORTLY BEFORE CHRIST. m 



and emphazises the phraseology by repetition. This is the 
earliest known mention of the threefold division. It is yet 
more indefinite than that of Philo. 

61. The book of Ecclesiasticus. —Written by the grandfather 
of the writer of the Prologue, a. Speaks enthusiastically of 
the law, meaning an aggregate of sacred books, apparently in- 
cluding wisdom books and prophecies, though beginning with 
Moses (xv. 1, xxxiii. 1-3, xxxix. 1-8, xxxviii. 33, xxiv. 23). 
b. Mentions or cites nearly all the 39 books, c Recapitulates 
the history (xliii-xlix), drawing from most of the 39 books, 
and naming Nehemiah latest in its list of worthies, d. Groups 
together the 3 major and the 12 minor prophets (xlviii. 20-xlix. 
10). e. Says nothing concerning three divisions, or concerning 
22 or 24 books, and does not even separate the pentateuch in 
its list from the books that follow. /. Counts the scriptures a 
river, and itself only a '* watering canal" (xxiv. 23-34, xxxiii. 
16). 

62. Conclusions, —a. As early as the time of Ben Sira, the ag- 
gregate of the primary sacred writings of Israel was mainly 
the same as now. For the present we waive the question 
whether it lacked, for example, Daniel and Ecclesiastes, 
Esther and some of the psalms, h. This aggregate was then 
thought of as ancient, unique, prophetic. 

63. The successive steps in arranging the canon. — a. The 
recognition of these writings as an aggregate preceded that of 
the divisions in which they are now classified, b. Apparently 
the first step in classifying them was the grouping together of 
the major and minor prophets, not later than the writing of 
Ecclesiasticus. c. The separation of the pentateuch was per- 
haps before the writing of the Prologue ; at least it was a good 
while before Philo. d. The attempt to draw a line between 
the prophets and the hagiographa began before Philo, but the 
line was not settled for several generations. 

64. Certain corollaries proved by these facts. — a. Our pres- 
ent canon of 39 books was not formed by three processes of 
selection, the first resulting in the pentateuch, the second add- 
ing the prophets, and the third adding the hagiographa. b. 



to OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 



It is not true that the hagiographa were made sacred after the 
time of Ben Sira, by gatliering tliem into a canon, c. There is 
no trace of an Alexandrian Jewish canon different from the 
Palestinian, d. Until a good while after the preaching of 
Christianity there is no trace of the other writings being re- 
garded as inferior to the pentateuch. 



LECTURE YIII. 

The Contact of Israel with the Greeks. 

65. Four collateral topics. — To these the prest^nt and the 
three following lectures will be devoted. 

66. Literature. — On these subjects no one can be intelligent unless he does 
some reading for himself. For the history, one should read at least the follow- 
ing: Josephus Antiquities ^1-X.U.l, Jewish War I; First and Second Macca- 
bees; some good history of Alexander the great and his successors; good arti- 
cles on Alexandria and Antioch. For the Maccabsean times, Riggs' History 
of the Jewish people during the MaccabcEan and Roman Period. On the 
Septuagint see the Introduction to Svvete's Old 'festanient in Greek. 

67. The earliest Greek contact. — The Greelis were in contact 
with the Phoenicians and Egyptians from remote antiquity, 
and it is impossible that Israel did not share this contact to 
some extent. In the Babylonian and Persian times there 
must have been a more extended contact, especially in Egypt. 
But these are unimportant compared with the contact that 
followed the conquests of Alexander the great. 

68. Israel during the latest Persian reigns. -Jewish popu- 
lations possessing some wealth and importance, in every part 
of the Persian empire ; an especially cultivated and respecta- 
ble Jewish population in Babylonia ; an honorable Israelitish 
nationality, thanks to Nehemiah, centering in Jerusalem ; and 
another that claimed to be Israelite, centering in Samaria ; 
both, of course, tributary to Persia. 

69. Alexandria. — Founded by Alexander the great 332 B. 
C. After his time, the principal seat of the Ptolemies and the 
Greek-Egyptian empire. Largely a Greek citj^ Especially a 



CONTACT OF ISRAEL WITH THE GREEKS, 71 

great literary centre. Tsiaelitish citizens, both Jewish and 
Samaritan, nimiei'ous and influential from the first. 

70. Antioch. — On the Orontes. There were fourteen other 
Antlochs. The seat of the Syrian- Greek empire, having been 
founded 300 B. C. In some respects the rival of Alexandria. 
Many Jewish citizens, but never such a Jewish seat as Alex- 
andria became. 

71. Other points of contact. — As in these two cities, so in 
other centers of population. The Israelites seem to have at- 
tracted more attention from the Greeks ihan did other orien- 
tal races. Add to this that the Syrian and Egyptian Greek 
empires struggled with one another for the possession of Pal- 
estine, each alternating between the butchery of the Jews by 
wholesale and granting them distinguished favors. 

72. The era of the Greeks. — Beginning with the reign of 
Seleucus, 312 B. C. Used in the Apocrypha and Josephus 
for dating events. 

73. The Maccahcean Wars. — Antiochus Epiphanes took 
Jerusalem 170 B. C; profaned the temple December, 168. 
This was followed by dreadful persecutions, and by armed re- 
sistance, led by Judas Maccabseus and his brothers. They 
were successful, and purified the temple B. C. 165. Epiphanes 
died the following year, but the war continued. A treaty was 
made with the Romans B. C. 162. The following year Judas 
died, and was succeeded by his brother Jonathan ; he was 
made highpriest B. C. 153. In B. C. 143 his brother Simon 
succeeded him as highpriest, and Judaea became independent. 
To appreciate the fierceness, the heroism, the fanaticism, the 
nobility of character and conduct, the cruelty, the lofty 
patriotism of these times, one must read the history in detail. 

74. Underlying tendencies. — Out of this close and pro- 
tracted contact with the Greeks sprang certain conflicting 
tendencies, which determined the events, both of the external 
history and of the history of thought, for the times. First, 
there was what may be called the nohle Hellenizing tendency. 
Many Jews who were faithful to their own institutions yet 
recognized what was good in the civilizations around them, 



72 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 



and were willing to accept it. Tliey were especially eager to 
bring their institutions to the attention of intelligent Greeks, 
This tendency has been largely ignored by Christian writers, 
but it is well represented in the fact of the Septuagint trans- 
lation, in the author of Ecclesiasticus, in the Alexandrian 
Greek writers of the two centuries before Christ, in many of 
the Hellenizing Jews of New Testament times, and in Joseplius. 
Probably its adherents were influential, even if not numerous, 
from the times of Alexander down. Second was the ignoble 
Hellenizing tendency, represented, for example, by the high- 
priest Menelaus. that of the men who would have been glad to 
give up the Jewish religion and institutions, and become 
Greeks. Third was the Judaizing tendency, represented by 
the Maccabees, the Pharisees and the Judaizers of the New 
Testament. This was reactionary from the Hellenizing tend- 
encies, and like all reaction, was noble or ignoble according to 
circumstances. Its central idea was strict adherence to Israel- 
itish traditions, but, as a matter of fact, its interpretations of 
tradition often differ widely from the authentic tradition it- 
self. Fourth, in reaction from the Judaizing tendency, arose 
a liberal Jewish tendency, represented in later times by the 
Sadducees. This was always strongest in the prominent 
priestly families, among men who had a financial interest in 
orthodoxy, combined with a disposition to be luxurious. 
They denied the more puritanical and uncomfortable doctrines 
of the Judaists, and were mildly skeptical, in a cultured way, 
in other matters. 



LECTURE IX. 
The Septuagint. 



75. Current statements.— In the books of a few years ago, 
it was commonly said that the Septuagint translation of the 
Old Testament was made in Alexandria, about 280 B. C! In 
more recent books, the statements made are disputed and con- 



THE SEPTUAGINT. 73 



tradictory. See articles in the Bible Dictionaries, and in the 
Encyc. Britannica and Amer. Sup. 

76. Aristceus. — Most of the statements made concerning 
the Septuagint come from the so-called letter of Aristseus, a 
fiction dating from some part of the second century B. C, 
purporting to be an account of the event itself, but more par- 
ticularly of the philosophical discussions in which the dis- 
tinguished translators engaged in the presence of Ptolemy. 
Make a digest of this, from the letter of Aristseus, in Hody, 
or from Josephus (Ant. Xll. ii, Preface 3, Cont. Ap. ii. 4). 

77. Information from other sources —a. For example, Philo 
{Life of Moses II. iv-vii) says that there was a miraculous 
agreement between the Hebrew and the transLition. In the 
hands of the Christian fathers, this became a miraculous agree- 
ment among the translators, when they varied from the Hebrew 
(Epiphanius in Migne, Greek FatrologiaX.lAIl. 242, 374 ; also 
Justin Martyr. Irenseus and Augustine, as cited in Smith's 
Bib. Die), b. The Jewish traditions, besides repeating some 
of these things, speak of ''five elders who wrote the law for 
Ptolemy the king in Greek/' and speak of their changing 
thirteen places, etc., matters not referred to in Aristseus (Light- 
foot XII. 679 sq., X. 419 sq.). c. Of especial importance are 
the tw^o following passages. It is testified that the first was 
addressed to Ptolemy Philometer, 180-146 B. C. The date of 
the second is about 200 A. D. 

" It is evident that Plato followed our law, and he was evidently a carefu 
student of everything in it. For there had been translated before Demetrius 
Phalereus, through others, before the conquest of Alexander and the Persians, 
the maiters pertaining to the going forth of the Hebrews, our fellow citizens, 
from Egypt, and the manifestation of all that happened to them, and the con- 
quest of the land, and the detailed account of the whole legislation. ***** 
But the whole translation of all things pertaining to the law was in the time of 
him called king Philadelphus, thy ancestor, * * * * Demetrius Phalereus be- 
ing active in these matters" (Aristobulus in Eusebius Prep. Evang. XIIL xi, 
Clement Stromaia I. xv, xxii, in Migne XXI. logS, VIII. 781, 889 sq.). 

" They say the scriptures, both of the law and the prophetical, to have been 
interpreted from the dialect of the Hebrews into the Greek tongue in the time 
of King Ptolemy Lagus, or, as some say, of the one called Philadelphus, 
Demetrius Phalereus bringing to this the greatest ambition, and providing the 
things concerning the interpretation " (Clement Stro?nata, Migne VIII. 894). 



74 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

78. The facts.— Agamst these traditions it is alleged that 
Philadelphus was the enemy of Phalereus, and on cuming to 
the throne at once got rid of him. But this would not apply 
during the years 285-283 B. C, when Lagusand PhiJadelphus 
were reigning together. As to other objections, the story of 
Aristgeus certainly contains fabulous elements. But the Sep- 
tuagint is a fact, and the standard account of its origin cer- 
tainly contains some elements of fact. The following points 
may probably be accepted as historical. 

79. The facts — translation made by Alexandrian Jews. — 
This is contrary to the accounts given in the traditions ; but 
the peculiarities of the Greek which the translators have given 
us, and those of their Hebrew scholarship, put it beyond 
question. 

80. The facts — two motives for the translation. — a. About 
285 B. C, the date at which Ptolemy Philadelphus became 
king with Lagus, some arrangement was made for putting the 
Jewish sacred books into the Alexandrian library, and some 
correspondence was had with the Palestinian Jews for this pur- 
pose. The outside testimony confirms the Aristsean account 
to this effect, b. In addition to this, however, both before 
and after this date the Alexandrian Jews must have had oc- 
casion to use their sacred writings in Greek, both for them- 
selves and in their disputes with the Samaritans, and very 
likely in discussions with Greeks. 

81. The facts— neglected points in traditional account. — a. 
One of these is that Ptolemy desired and secured accurate 
transcriptions in Hebrew for his library, as well as the trans- 
lation into Greek (Jos. Ant. XII. ii. 2, 1, 4, 13, and Epiphanius. 
b. Another point is that the pains he took was for the secur- 
ing of an accurate text, there being plenty of iuferior texts al- 
ready accessible (Jos. Ant. XII. ii. 4). c. It these statements 
be accepted as historical, and there is no reason for not accept- 
ing them, then the transcription may probably enough have 
been the work of Palestinian Jews, while most of the trans- 
lation work was certainly not done by them. There is even 
no improbability, considering the disputes then prevalent be- 



THE SEPTUAOINT. 75 



tweenthe Samaritans and the Jerusalem Jews, in the assertion 
that an official copy was brought from Jerusalem, to be trans- 
cribed and verified under the eye of King Ptolemy's literary 
men. d. If there was then the same contrast which existed 
for 14 centuries before the art of printing, between the verbal 
accuracy of the Jewish copyists of the scriptures and the 
verbal negligence customary among the Greeks, then the ac- 
curacy of the transcription, and the tests used for securing it, 
may constitute the nucleus of fact around which, later, grew 
the marvelous stories concerning the accuracy of the transla- 
tion. 

82. The facts — previous translation work. — But parts of the 
scriptures had been previously translated. This follows almost 
of necessity from the nature of the case, and is aflfirmed, for 
example, in the passages from Aristobulus and from Clement 
cited above, cf. Jos. Ant. XII. ii. 4. 14. 

It follows that the translators of Ptolemy, or their succes- 
sors, would, of course, incorporate into their work whatever 
previous work, available for the purpose, they found. 

83. The facts — the text used. — The external evidence, with 
which all the internal marks agree, goes to prove that the 
work was undertaken by men who appreciated the importance 
of having a good Text, but who were also in possession of in- 
ferior texts, and whose work, especially the parts of it that 
were taken from previous translations, was greatly affected 
by the inferior texts (Jos. Ant. XII. ii. 4, etc.). 

84. The facts — the time occupied. — The different parts of the 
Greek Old Testament bear the marks of having been translated 
by different hands, and, possibly, in different generations. It 
is commonly stated that the accounts say that the pentateuch 
was first translated, but they do not say this. Very likely, 
however, it was first translated, as they would be likely to be- 
gin at the beginning. 

85. The facts— the plan concerned the Old Testament. — The 
Jewish sacred books which Ptolemy's men obtained, or laid 
thtjir plans to obtain, are called in Josephus {Preface 3) the 
law. 



76 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

" But those who were sent to Alexandria on the matter of the exegesis, de- 
livered only the books of the law ; but the things set forth by the sacred writ- 
ings are numberless." 

Joseplius gives this as a reason for writing liis histoiy, 
namely, that he may render accessible to Greeks the contents 
of these other sacred writings that were not included in the 
law. But long before this time, the whole Old Testament had 
been translated into Greek, and was familiarly known as the 
law (Qns. 25-26). Tt follows that by the law Josephus here 
means, not the pentateuch, as is often asserted, but the Old 
Testament. 

Arinobulus says the same. So do Clement and Epiphanius 
and the other Christian fathers. The accounts speak of 
*'many books of laws" (Jos. XII. ii. 1), "the books of the 
Jewish legislation, with some others" (ii.4), "a great desire 
of knowing our laws, and of obtaining the books of our sacred 
scriptures" iCoiit. Ap.). 

The idea that the king wanted less than the whole body of 
the then celebrated Hebrew literature is inconsistent with his 
purpose to put into the library all the books in the known 
world. 

Clearly the aggregate of sacred writings which the promoters 
of the Septuagint had in mind was the Old Testament. For 
the present we waive the question whether possibly it then 
lacked a few of the writings it now contains. 

It does not follow that the plan was then completely carried 
out, and all the books translated at that time. The common 
opinion of scholars is that they were not. When Lagus died, 
and the influence of Demetrius ceased, it is very likely that 
many of their plans lapsed. But there is no valid reason for 
denying that the traditions are correct as far as concerns the 
existence of this plan. 



LECTURE X. 

The Men of the Great Synagogue. 

86. Speciinen traditions. — a. Maimonides (see Qu. 11) sums 
up the traditions as follows: 

" By the consistory of Ezra are understood the men of the ^reat Synagogue 
to wit, Haggai. Zechariah, Malachi, Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, Azariah, Ne- 
hemiah the son of Hachaliah, Mordecai, Bilshan, Zerubbabel, and many wise 
men with them. In all they were 120 elders, the last of whom within the num- 
ber of 120 was Simon the just, who received the oral law from all these, and 
was highpriest after Ezra" (Ugol. I. 12). 

b. For later siatements see Lightfoot IX. 342-343 and X. 
,527 sq,, Elias Levita as cited in Buhl, p. 36, or in Ugolino I 
226. or the following : We are told that the great synagogue 
was 

" constituted by Ezra, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi and many others assem- 
bled for reforming the church, after the return from Babylon " (Rabbis Azariah 
and Gedaliah cited in Buxtorf Cotn. on Mas., A. D. 1665, cited in Ugol. III. 
434. viii ; in xiii he adds Daniel). 

" The men of the great Synagogue, among whom was Ezra, with Daniel, 
Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi and other illustrious men of those times" (Schick- 
ard, A. D. 1592-1635, in Ugol. XXV. 1207). 

c. In the Mishna, wdth date, say 150 A. D., we read : 

" Moses received the law from Sinai, and delivered it to Joshua, and Joshua 
to the elders, and the elders to the prophets, and the prophets delivered it to 
the men of the great Synagogue. They said three things : ' Be deliberate in 
judgment, train up many disciples, and make a fence for the law.' Simon the 
just was of the remnant of the great Synagogue He used to say : ' On three 
things the world standeth — on the law, and on the service, and on gratitude for 
kindness ' " (Young's translation of Pirke Aboth 1-2). 

At a date not much later, we have found tlie Baraitha test- 
ifying : 

" The men of the great Synagogue wrote Ezekiel and the Twelve, Daniel 
and the roll of Esther " (Qu, 29). 

d. Other relatively early traditions are to the effect that 
" the men of the great Synagogue came and explained" Pro- 
verbs, the Song and Ecclesiastes (Qu. 45), and such as the fol- 
lowing : 

" What did the men of the great Synagogue do ? They wrote a book and 
spread it out in the court of the temple. And at dawm of day the)'- rose, and 
found it sealed. This is what is written in Nehemiah " {Midrash Ruth, per- 



78 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 



haps 278 A. D., cited in W. R. Smith, note 3 on Lect. vi., and referring to 
Neh. ix. 38). 

" Purim is instituted, concerning which there is a discussion by 85 elders, of 
whom more than 30 were prophets " (Lightfoot X. 525, citing Hieros in Megil. 
fol. 7 col. 4). 

"At least the Megila Jer. (i. 5) and Midrash Ruth (Sec. 3) speak of an as- 
sembly of 85 elders, who are probably " the 84 enumerated Neh. x. 1-27, with 
Ezra. "Another tradition gives the number as 120, which may be got by add- 
ing the chief of the fathers enumerated in Ez. viii. 1-14 to the 102 heads of 
families in Ez. ii. 2-58 " (Davidson Canon, p. 27). 

In the Babylonian Gemara to chapter i of Meqillah we are 
informed that the men of the great synagogue made ordin- 
ances for the reading of Esther in the synagogues ; and a tra 
dition is spoken of, " from our ancestois the men of the great 
Synagogue " Rod. VIII, Megillah pp. 2, 22. 

87. The place of Ezra among the men of the great Syna- 
gogue. — The traditions represent him as the great representa- 
tive man of the succession. They do not represent him as the 
earliest of these men, or as the founder of the succession, or 
as highpriest, or as having lived to the time of Simon the just. 

88. Simon the just. — He was highpriest, son of Onias, and 

" was called the just both because of his piety towards God, and his kind 
disposition to those of his own nation " (Jos. Ant. XII. ii. 5), 

The Talmuds say he was the highpriest who went out from 
Jerusalem to meet Alexander the great (Jos. Ant. XI. viii. 5). 
It is said that the most remarkable things happened in con- 
cection with his highpriestly ministrations. For example, the 
scarlet list on the scapegoat's head turned white; an angel 
went in and came out with him when he entered the most holy 
place on the day of expiation, etc. (Lightfoot IX. 343). In his 
time the temple service was especially magnihcent. If he is 
the Simon of Ecclus. 1, he was a statesman and a great build- 
er. He died either about 300 or about 200 B. C. See next 
lecture. 

89. Views as to an orgaiiizatlon called the great Syna- 
gogue. — a. An ecclesiastical council, contemporaneous with 
Ezra (Etheridge). h. Extending over several generations, but 
dominated by the spirit of Ezra (Prideaux). c. Merely the 
convocation described in Neh. viii-x. (W. R. Smith, citing 



IMPORTANT DATES, 79 



Graetz and Krochmal). d. A permanent body organized at 
that convocation (McC. and Strong). 

90. The men as distinguished from the organization. — a. 
They were certainly historical. The traditions represent the 
succession of them as beginning in the times of Daniel and 
Ezekiel, and including the conspicuous men of the next three 
centuries or more. No one doubts that these men existed, or 
that they were much occupied with matters of public worship 
and administration, and w^ith the scriptures and other litera- 
ture, b. As a succession of men they follow the prophets. 
But many of them, individually, were prophets. Chronologi- 
cally they fall into two groups, those who lived before the 
cessation of prophecy, and those who lived later. 



LECTURE XI. 
Certain Questions of Dates and Historical Setting. 

91. Notes on the following table.— a. The reign of Euergetes 
I is commonly counted from B. C. 246. But it has recently 
been discovered that Ptolemy Philadephus for some years used 
a dating formula which counted his fifteenth year the first 
year of Euergetes (Mahaffy Ptol. Dyn. p. 99). b. The dates of 
the highpriests in the table, back to Eleazar, are taken from 
books of reference. The same sources assign 19 years to Onias 
I, 20 years to Jaddua, 32 years to Johanan and 40 years to 
Joiada, the last being clearly a mistake. 



OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 



92. Table of kings and events^ in years B. C. — The first 
year of a king is the year that begins in March after his ac- 
eession. The middle column follows the canon of Ptolemy. 



PERSIAN AND 
GREEK KINGS. 



JEWISH 
HIGHPKIESTS. 



SYRIAN-GREEK KINGS. 

Seleucid era, ^12. 
Seleucus Nicator, 312-280. 
Antioch, about joo. 
Antiochus Soter, 279-261. 
A. Theos, 260-246 
S. CallinicuSy 245-226. 
S. Ceraunus, 225-223. 
A. the great, 222-187. 

S. Philopator (Soter), 
186-175. 

A. Epiphanes, 174-164. 



Jeshua. 



Cyrus, 538-530- 

Cambyses, 529-522, 

Dar. Hystaspis, 521-486. Temple biiiit. 

Xerxes, 485-465. Joiakim. Esther. 

Art. Longimanus, 464-424. Eliashib. Reform. 

Darius Nothus, 423-405. Jofada. 

Neheimah, 2nd adm. 
Artax. Mnemon, 404-359. Johanan, 404-373? 

Sajnarttan schism. 

Jaddua, 372-353 ? 
Artax. Ochus, 358-338. Onias I, 352-334? 
Arogus, 337-336. 
Dar. Codomannus, 335-332. 



Alexander, 331-324. 
Alexandria built. 
Ptolemy Lagus, 323-28-3. 

P. Philadelphus, 285-247. 

P. Euergetes I, 271-222. 

P. Philopator, 221-205. 
P. Epiphanes, 204-181. 

P. Philometer, 180-146. 



A. Eupator, 163-162. 
Demetrius Soter, 

161-151. 
Alex. Bala (Epiphanes), 

150-146. P. Euergetes II (Phys- 
con), 170-117. 
Dem. Nicanor, 142-127. 

P. Lathyrus, 116-81. 
P. Alexander I, 107-89. 



Simon I, 333-294 i* 
The just? 

Eleazar, 293-260? 
Ecclus? Sepiuagint, 
Mannasseh, 259-234, 
Onias II, 233-219. 

Simon II, 218-199. 

The just? 

Onias III, 198-175. 

Jason (Jesus), 174-172, 
Onias IV (Menelaus), 

171-163. 
MaccabcEan wars. 
Alcimus (Jacimus), 

162-160. 
Roman treaty, 162. 
Temple in Egypt. 
Interval of 7 years. 
Jonathan, 153-143. 
Simon III, 142-135. 
JudcEa independent. 
J. Hyrcanus, 134-104. 
Jerusalem taken by 

Pompey, 6j, 



POSTEXILIAN EVENTS. 81 



93. Four groups of postexilian events. — a. Rebuilding of 
temple, etc., B. C. 538-516, reigns of Cyrus, Cambyses, 
pseudo-Smerdis (Ahasuerus, Artaxerxes) and Darius; Zerub- 
babel and Jesliua leaders (Ezra i-vi, Haggai, Zech. i-viii). h. 
B. C. 515-459, includiug Esther in reign of Xerxes (Ahasue- 
rus) ; no Palestinian events, c. Reforms of Ezra and Nehe- 
miah, B. C. 458-433, seventh to thirty-second of Artaxerxes 
Longimanus (Ezra vii-x, Neli. i-xi. 2). d. Second adminis- 
tration of Nehemiah, after 433 B. C, reigns (probably) of 
Artaxerxes, Darius Nothus and Artaxerxes Mnemon (Neh. 
xii. 27-xiii, 1 Chron. ix and Neh. xi. 3-xii. 26, Malachi). 

94. The Samaritan schism. — Under the influence of the re- 
form enforced by Ezra and Nehemiah, one branch of the Jewish 
highpriestly family withdrew, and set up a rival temple at 
Mount Gerizim, claiming that theirs was rhe true religion of 
Israel (Jos. Ant. XI. vii-viii). Joseplius is doubtless correct 
in saying that this occurred in the time of Nehemiah' s con- 
temporary, Sanballat. and in naming Manasseh the brother of 
the Jewish highx)riest Jaddua as concerned in it ; and is there- 
fore incorrect in assigning it to the time of Alexander the 
great. 

95. The latest event of the biblical narrative. — It is this Sam- 
aritan schism, described by Nehemiah in a single sentence. 

'* And there was a soninlaw to Sanballat the Horonite of the sons of Joiada 
the highpriest, and I expelled him from me " (Neh. xiii. 28). 

Josephus says {Ant. XI. vii-viii) that this soninlaw was Man- 
asseh, grandson to Joiada and brother to Jaddua ; and that 
the temple at Gerizim was built for him at the instance of 
Sanballat in the time of Alexander the great. Here as often 
elsewhere Josephus is mixed in his chronology, and in his 
identifications of the Persian kings ; but he is probably cor- 
rect in his main facts. So the latest event of the biblical nar- 
rative is an act of Nehemiah. 

96. The latest event in the genealogical notes. — Neh. xi. 
3-xii. 26 is a long note, interrupting the narrative. It is in 
part a duplicate of 1 Chron. ix. 2 sq., and the two bring the 
the genealogies up to the same point, mentioning the same 



83 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

citizens, priests, Levites and gatekeepers, a. In these notes 
are two lists of priests. The first list contains a table of 
priests and Levites "that went up with Zerubbabel " (Neh. 
xii. 1-9), followed by a table of the highpriests from Jeshua 
to Jaddua(10-ll. The second list mentions two enrollments, 
the first "in the days of Joiakim " (12-21, especially 12, 26a); 
and the second "in the days of Eliashib, Joiada and Johanan 
and Jaddua" (22-23). b. The two lists alike terminate with 
Jaddua, and his enrollment in the succession of the highpriests 
is the latest event here mentioned. 

97. The date of this second enrollment. — a. The four speci- 
fications of the date are : first, "The days of Eliashib, Joiada 
and Johanan and Jaddua" (22); second, "The days of Nehe- 
miah the governor, and of Ezra the priest the scribe ' ' (26b) ; 
third, ' ' Ujjon the kingdom of Darius the Persian " (22) ; 
fourth, " Up to the days of Johanan the son of Eliashib " (23). 
b. The first two of these specifications cover long periods of 
time. The third limits the date to the time after the accession 
of Darius Nothus, B. C. 424. The fourth limits it to a time 
not later than the pontificate of Johanan. c Some books of 
reference date the accession of Johanan about 371 B. C, but 
the following reasons prove that this is much too late. First, 
it is based on the mistaken assertion of Josephus that Jaddua 
was highpriest at the time of Alexander the great. Second, 
it involves the inference that the four preceding ^pontificates 
covered more than 167 years, which is very improbable. Third, 
it leaves insufficient room for Simon I. whom the Talmuds de- 
clare to have been highjjriest 40 years (Qu. 98). If Simon 
served 40 years, then Johanan became highpriest not far from 
404 B. C, about the close of the reign of Darius, d. This 
Darius cannot have been Codomannus, for Codomannus did 
not come to the throne till from 5 to 40 years after the death 
of Johanan. e. The fact that Jaddua is enrolled in the suc- 
cession of highpriests, though the list is brought up only to 
the time of his father, may be accounted for on the natural 
hypothesis that these lists are connected with the proceedings 
by which his brother Manasseh was excluded from the sue- 



IMPORTANT DATES. 83 



cession. /. In any case, this enrollment nearly coincides in 
date with the latest event of the narrative. Both belong about 
400 B. C, v^hile Nehemiah was yet alive. 

98. The date of the life of Simon the just. — a. Josephus 
says that he was the first Simon (XII. ii. 5, iv. 1). h. The 
Talmuds say the same, and also that he was contemporary 
with Alexander the great ( Fbma vii, in E-od. YI. 99, also Buhl 
Canon, p. 37), and was highpriest 40 years ( Yomu f ol. 9, 1 and 
Wayyikra Rabba fol. 189, 1, cited in Lightfoot XII. 899-400). 
c. This is confirmed by the probabilities of the history (Qu. 
97), and by those concerning Ecclesiasticus (Qu. 99). d. 
Against this are only certain vague talmudical statements, 
and the fact that the traditions mention thirteen chief rabbis, 
twelve of them arranged in pairs, between Simon the just and 
the Christian era On this last point our knowledge is too in 
complete to be conclusive. 

99. The date of Ecclesiasticus. — a. The Prologue dates the 
translation soon after "the 38th year upon (e7r/) king Euer- 
getes." It is disputed whether this means the 38th year of 
the reign of the king, or some other 38th year within the reign. 
The 38th year of the first Euergetes was 234 B. C, that of the 
second 133 B. C. (Qus. 91, 92). b. The book was written in 
Hebrew by the grandfather (TraTTTro?) or some more remote an- 
cestor of the translator, c. In the fiftieth chapter is a pan- 
egyric on a highpriest "Simon son of Onias", probably an 
acquaintance of the author. The particulars fit the first Simon, 
rather than the second, d. The absence of marks of Greek 
influence in Ecclesiasticus is a strong argument in favor of the 
earlier date (Qu. 114). e. For some decades it has been the fash- 
ion to date this book early in the second century B. C. ; but the 
true date is certainly early in the third century. It is- a monu- 
ment of the same spirit which was exhibited in the plan for the 
Septuagint translation. 

See Dr. Wilson' s article in the Pres. and Eef. Review for 
July, 1900. 



LECTURE XII. 
The Old Testament 400 b. c. Internal Prooe. 

100. The proposition. — a. There are many items which, when 
put together, constitute credible proof that the Old Testament 
was a recognized aggregate of writings about 400 B. C, that 
is, within the probable lifetime of Nehemiah. h. That this 
aggregate was in the main the same with our 39 books the 
evidence directly proves ; the question whether the two aggre- 
gates are in part different will be discussed in Lecture XIY. 
c. We know but little as to the classifications or the order of 
arrangement of the aggregate of Nehemiah's time. d. The 
opinion that Ezra personally published the Old Testament as a 
completed canon is mistaken, e. The opinion that a collec- 
tion of the Old Testament writings was officially made and 
proclaimed by the great Synagogue or by some equivalent 
ecclesiastical body cannot be proved, but perhaps cannot be 
disproved. 

101. The lawbook of NehemiaKs time. — a. It was the prom- 
inent feature of the period (e. g. Neh. viii, xiii. 1-8, Ezra vii. 
6. 12, 14, 25). h. The basis of regulations which included 
public prayer and music, singers, gatekeepers, Nethinim,. 
courses of priests and Levites. and various other matters not 
legislated upon in the pentateucb ; David being made about 
as prominent as Moses. c. A "book of Moses" containing 
matters not found in the pentateuch, but found in Chronicles 
(Ezra vi. 18, 1 Chron. xxiii-xxiv). d. In their recapitulation 
passing without a break from the contents of the pentateuch 
to those of the other books (Neh. ix. 6-21, 22-31). e. The 
parallel case in Daniel (vi. 5, 10 cf. 1 Ki. viii. 44, 48, etc., Ps. 
iv. 17. 

102. Evidence from the present arrangement of the Old Test- 
ament. — With some variations, and many exceptions in detail, 
the present arrangement of the books is in the main chronologi- 
cal. The prophetic books taken as a whole belong to times 
later than the times of the pentateuch, and earlier than those 



THE OLD TESTAMENT DATING ITSELF. 85 

of the hagiographa taken as a whole. The last six of the minor 
prophets at least are in the time order. Ecclesiastes, Esther, 
Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah, Chronicles are doubtless the latest 
written books of the hagiographa. 

103. The Hebrew of the later books. — The later books, wnile 
differing linguistically from the earlier, differ yet more decid- 
edly from the New Hebrew of later times ; which is an argu- 
ment for the antiquity of the Old Testament books. There are 
differences of orthography, of syntax and of vocabulary (see 
Qu. 113c). 

104. Persian and Greek marJcs. — a. In the later books of 
the bible we find scores of Persian words, persons, events, 
there being some hundreds of instances in all. From these 
Persian marks the earlier books are free. h. With the excep- 
tion of the orchestral terms in Dan. iii (cf. v. 29), which may 
easily be accounted for as of early date, these later books are 
conspicuously free from Greek marks, while many of the 
apocryphal books, 1 Maccabees for example, are crowded full 
of G-reek things, persons and events, c. These facts alone are 
well nigh conclusive in favor of the proposition that the Old 
Testament was completed before the beginning of the Greek 
period, that is before B. C. 331. 

105. Proof from the latest events recorded in the Old Testa- 
ment. — a. In Chronicles, Ezra and Nehemiah there is seeming- 
ly an effort to bring the history up to the date of the writer. 
This has often been noted, h. These books contain the latest 
events definitely mentioned in the Old Testament. Certain al- 
leged allusions to later events, made in Daniel and elsewhere, 
are at most not specific statements of specific facts, c. We 
have seen in the last lecture that these events occurred within 
the probable lifetime of Nehemiah. e. It is therefore strongly 
probably that the completion of these accounts and of the 
books containing them was the completion of the Old Testa- 
ment, and occurred while Nehemiah was still alive, f. This is 
confirmed by the literary references in these books (Qu. 111c.) 

106. Comparison of canonical hooks with others. — The same 
conclusion would be independently established by comparing 



86 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 



tlte canonical books with the uncanonical books of tlie same 
class. For example, compare Jonah, Daniel, or Esther with 
the Apocryphal parts of Daniel or Esther, or with Jndith or B 
Maccabees ; or compare Proverbs or Ecclesiastes with Ecclesi- 
asticus or the Wisdom of Solomon. In such comparisons (in 
most cases, without dispute), it is at once evident that the 
canonical books are immensely the earlier. 



LEC^rURE XIII. 
The Old Testament 400 b. c. Testimo]S"y. 

107. Josephus. — He testifies {Cont. Ap. i. 8, see Qa. 48) that 
the 22 books were regarded as a separate aggregate, and were 
all written by the prophets who were contemporary with Ar- 
taxerxes, "king of the Persians after Xerxes," or earlier. 
Verbally his limit of time is the lifetime of the king, who died 
424 B. c. ; but actually, it is clear that he had in mind the life- 
time of the prophets who were contemporary with Artaxerxes, 
which would bring the limit two decades or more later. 

108. The Baba-batra. — a. The classical rabbinical passage 
(Qu. 29) attributes all the later work on the Old Testament to 
the men of the great Synagogue, mentioning Ezra by name, 
and ascribing the completion of the work to Nehemiah. b. 
Apparently this passage counts Ezekiel as being, like his con- 
temporary Daniel, one of the men of the great Synagogue, c. 
Even if one understands the passage to say directly no more 
than that Nehemiah finished the books of Chronicles, all the 
same the passage represents that as the finishing of the Old 
Testament, d. If it is fair to say that a person wrote a book, 
meaning thereby that he is the person chiefly responsible for 
its existence, whether as its author, its projector, or its editor, 
then there is no strong reason for discrediting these statements 
of the tradition. 

109. Traditions concerning Ezra. — a. In 4 Esdras it is af- 
firmed that Ezra by inspiration reproduced the whole Old 



TRADITIONS CONCERNING EZRA. B7 

Testament, after it had been lost, adding a large body of 
apocrypha (Qu. 47.) b. The same statement is made, specific 
ally and with slight variations, by Irenseus, Clement of Alex- 
andria, Tertullian, Epiphanius, Chrysostom, Jerome and other 
Christian fathers, c. These Christian traditions are supported 
by very many rabbinical passages. 

" Ezra was worthy that the law should have been given to Israel by his 
hands, if Moses had not preceded him" (Talmud Sank, ii, fol. 21, cited in 
Ugol, III. 434. Also Jerus. in Megil. fol. 71. Wildeboer cites itfrom Schwab 
V. 212). 

' ' The law was given to Israel in Hebrew writing and the holy language. 
It was given agam to them in the days of Ezra in Ashurith writing and the 
Aramaean language. The Israelites chose the Ashurith writing and the holy 
language" (Talmud Sank, fol. 21. 2, etc., also Jerus. Megil. fol. 71, Lightfoot 
X. 528, 527). 

" The Ashurith which was given to them in the days of Daniel. Ezra came 
and wrote the law therein, to wit in the Ashurith writing" (Talmud Sank, as 
above). 

' ' When the Torah was forgotten by Israel Ezra came from Babylon and re- 
stored it " {Sukkah 2oa, cited in '* Scribes " in McC. and Strong). 

" 'And they read in the book of the law '; that was the text. ' It was made 
distinct '; that was Targum. 'And they used trained skill '; those were the ac- 
cents. 'And they had discernment in the readmg'; that was the masoreth " 
(Jerus. Megil.. gloss, fol. 74. 4, in Lightfoot X. 527). 

This is comment on Neh. viii. 8. It is often cited in proof that 
the traditions refer the accents and vowel points to Ezra, but 
it does not prove that. d. Additional passages might be ad- 
duced, the contemporary Christian instances specifying the 
other books as well as the pentateuch. These traditions con- 
tain a large element of fable, though not so large as is some- 
times represented ; but it is inconceivable that they are with- 
out a solid basis of fact. e. That Ezra was a leader in work 
on the Old Testament appears from his character as "the 
scribe, even the scribe of the words of the commandments of 
Yahweh" (Ezra vii. 11 and elsewhere). /. This is curiously 
confirmed by the Septuagint translators, who render : ' ' the 
scribe(writer)of the book of the words", g. It is confirmed by 
the common opinion of living scholars. Especially, a man 
who holds that most of the pentateuch and of the other books 
was written during or after Ezra's time is precluded from 



88 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 



minimizing the scriptural work which the traditions assign to 
Ezra. h. Tlie work which they assign to him is the comp]et- 
ing of the entire Old Testament, though they make a part of 
this work posthumous. 

110. Traditions concerning the men of the great Synagogue. 
— a. We have found the traditions saying (Qu. 86) that these 
men received the law from the prophets ; that they, including 
Ezra and Nehemiah, "wrote Ezekiel and the Twelve, Daniel 
and the roll of Esther", and Ezra and Chronicles ; that they 
did written work in Nehemiah' s time ; also (Qa. 45) that they 
protected the canonicity of Proverbs, the Song and Ecclesias- 
tes. Yet other instances will be cited in Lecture XIY . b. It 
has been argued that the traditions which attribute the com- 
pleting of the Old Testament to the men of the great Synagogue 
contradict those which attribute it to Ezra ; but the argument 
is silly, c. No traditions attribute any part of this work to 
the postprophetic men of the great Synagogue. 

111. The letter of Judas in 2 Maccabees. — Ostensibly this 
letter is dated B. C. 164. It is written from Jerusalem, and 
addressed to Aristobulus the well known Egyptian Jewish 
philosopher. It contains fabulous matter, but the statements 
in the following excerpts so tit into the other parts of the evi- 
dence that we must accept them as true. 

"And the priests made a prayer while the sacrifice was consuming, both the 
priests and all [the rest], Jonathan beginning, and the rest responding aloud, 
as Nehemiah [did]" (2 Mac. i. 23). 

*' So prayed Solomon also, and the fire came down, and consumed the burnt 
offerings. * * * * in the same manner, also, Solomon kept the eight days. 
And the same [things] also were reported in the records, namely, the memoirs 
of Nehemiah ; and how he, founding a library, gathered together the books 
concernmg the kings, and prophets, and those of David, and epistles of kings 
concerning holy gifts. And in like manner also Judas gathered together all 
those books that had been scattered by reason of the war we had, and they are 
with us. If now, possibly, ye have need thereof, send such as will bring them 
unto you" (2 Mac. ii. 10-15). 

a. The first of these excerpts confirms the other evidence to 
the effect that the highpriest Johanan (Jonathan) was early 
enough to be the contemporary of Nehemiah. b. The second ex- 
cerpt cites 2 Chronicles (vii. 1-10) as the " Memoirs according 



NEHEMIAH'S LIBRARY. 89 

to Nehemiah " . c. It also describes— not a canon of scripture, 
but — a library, collected by Neliemiah. Internal evidences 
show that exactly such a library was at the command of the 
writer or writers of Chronicles, Ezra and Neheraiah. It con- 
tained " the books concerning the kings" (1 Chron. ix. 1, 2 
Chron. xvi. 11, xx. 34, etc.), "and prophets" (1 Chron. xxix. 
29, 2 Chron ix. 29, xii. 15, xiii. 22, xx. 34, xxvi. 22, xxxii. 
20, 32, etc.), "and those of David" (1 Chron. xxiii. 27, xxvii. 
24, 2 Chron. xxix. 25, 27, 30, xxxv. 4, 15, Ezra iii. 10, etc.), 
"and epistles of kings concerning holy gifts " (Ezra vii. 11-26, 
V. 6-17, vi. 3-12, etc., Qu. 137). Clearly w^e have here a glimpse 
into the literary activity that attended the completing of the 
Old Testament in Nehemiah's time. 

112. The Septuagint. — All these considerations confirm the 
interpretation of the traditions concerning the Septuagint that 
has been given in these notes, and are in turn confirmed by 
those traditions (Lect. IX) The Septuagint, as we have it, 
contains the law, meaning by law the Old Testament, and some 
other Jewish writings. We have seen above that the tradi- 
tions say that the original plan was to translate the law and 
some other writings, and that by the law they must have meant 
a wider body of writings than the pentateuch, presumptively 
the Old Testament. This plan, the traditions say, was fornied 
about 285 B. C. Doubtless the Septuagint, as it now exists, 
was not then at once produced. Certainly, the plan then 
formed could not have included most of the present apocryphal 
books, since these were not then written. But the mere fact 
that such a plan was formed implies that the Old Testament 
had then been in existence for some generations, as a re 
cognized body of writings. This dates the Old Testament in 
general early in the fourth century B. C. 

118. Ecclesiasticus, — a. We have found this book testifying 
that the Old Testament writings existed as an old and well 
known aggregate soon after 300 B. C. (Qus. 61 and 99). This 
dates the aggregate not much later than 400 B. C. h. Signifi- 
cantly, the synopsis of Old Testament history closes with 
Neheraiah (Ecclus. xlix. 13). c. This is strongly confirmed by 



90 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

the fact that the recently discovered Hebrew text of Ecclesias- 
ticus mediates linguistically between the latest biblical books 
and the so called new Hebrew (Pres. andRef. Rev.^ July 1900, 
pp. 488-606). 

114. The tradiiions concerning Ecclesiasticus. — Both the 
Prologue and other traditions (Qus. 60, 43, 44 and 115) say 
that the Old Testament writings belong to an older class 
than Ecclesiasticus. This is the more significant because Ec- 
clesiasticus is very much used in the rabbinical and patristic 
writings. For example, not far from one hundred citations of 
or allusions to seventy nine passages in Ecclus. are given from 
the rabbinical writings in The original Hebrew of a Portion of 
Ecclus.^ ed. of 1897, pp. xix-xxx. 

115. Traditions concerning the cessation of prophecy. — a. 
The traditions agree with the New Testament in teaching that 
the Old Testament was written by prophets, h. They teach 
that the succession of prophets ceased with Malachi the con- 
temporary of Nehemiah. c. In proof see Josephus (Qus. 107, 
48). Dr. Buhl holds that parts of the Old Testament were 
written much later than the prophets. Yet he speaks, citing 
his authority, of 

' ' the Talmudical passages where the authors of the Hagiographa are spoken 
ot as prophets {Canon p. 38, citing B' rakoth 13a). 

He also cites (p. 36) the following early passage touching the 
time of Alexander the great: 

" Down to this time the prophets prophesied by the Holy Spirit ; from this 
time have wrought only the wise " {Seder Olam Meyer ed. of 1706, p. 90). 

He also cites (p. 8) the following combination text (see Qus. 43, 
44), "the foreign writings" being supposed to be those of the 
founders of Christianity: 

' ' R. Aqiba said : Whoever reads in the foreign writings has no part in the 
world to come. Books, on the other hand, like that of Sirach and other such, 
which were composed after the age of the prophets had been closed, may be 
read just as one reads a letter" {M. Sanhedrin loi. Sank. loob, Jer. Sank. 28a 
and Tosephta Yadayim ii. 13). 

The Seder Olam Zutta, though late, correctly sums up the 
traditions as to the latest prophet : 

" Then died Haggai, Zechariah and Malachi, * * * * at that time proph- 
ecy ceased from Israel." 



ALLEGED SCRIPTURES LATER THAN MALACHf. 91 

And this agrees with the position of Malachi as the last pro- 
phetic- book in the order of arrangement, d. This is not viti- 
ated by the fact that Josephus attributes prophetic gift to 
John Hyrcanus {Wars I. ii. 8), any more than by the fact that 
the Maccabees claimed supernatural gifts. Rather this em- 
phasizes their recognition of the fact that the succession of 
the prophets had ceased (1 Mac. ix. 27, iv. 46, xiv. 41). 

116. The descriptive terms used in the traditions. — Of a piece 
with what has been said concerning prophecy is the meaning 
of the terms Tanaim, Mishna, Masora, and other like terms. 
They all carry the idea that the age of prophecy was past, and 
the scribe had now nothing to do, save to repeat the message 
that the prophets had brought. 

117. An argument from silence. — There is no tradition of 
the producing of any part of the Old Testament later than 
Nehemiah, a silence which must be regarded as significant. 



LECTURE Xiy. 
Alleged Writing of Scriptuee Later that^ 400 b. c. 

118. Are our scriptures the scriptures of Nehemiah ? — That 
they are mainly so we have already proved. But is there room 
for holding that some of our 39 books were not in the aggre- 
gate left by JSTehemiah ? 

119. The state of the question. — a. The traditions we have 
examined, apart from the specific testimony they bear to par 
ticular books, testify that all writing of this class dates from 
the time of Nehemiah or earlier. The proof is strong, and no 
opposing assertion ought to be admitted without proof that is 
at least equally strong, b. The evidence alleged against it is 
solely of two classes : first, inferences from the current doc- 
trine of the triple canon of the Old Testament ; second, par- 
ticular facts alleged in regard to particular books and parts of 
books. 

120. The doctrine of a triple canon. — a. It is alleged that 



93 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

the present Hebrew classification must be accounted for by re- 
garding the law, the prophets, and the hagiographa as three 
successive canons. Then it is alleged that the second canon 
cannot have been formed till the times of Malachi or later, 
and that the third was not decided upon till many generations 
later than Malachi. 6. But if the doctrine of a triple canon 
were correct, that would not prove that the closing of the 
third canon was later than Nehemiah ; after the second canon 
was decided upon, no long time would necessarily be required 
for the third, c. If the doctrine of a triple canon were correct, 
so far as official canon making is concerned, that would not 
change the facts mentioned in Qus. 24-27, nor the undisputed 
fact that a large proportion of the prophetic and hagiographic 
writings were in existence and were regarded by common 
opinion as sacred, in the time of JSTehemiah. d. It is not 
probable that the three divisions represent three processes of 
canonization. They can be accounted for more naturally (Qus. 
63-64). e. Hence there is here no basis for inferring that any 
of the books are later in date than the other evidence in the 
case indicates. 

121. B. C. 400 or 250 ?— No one questions that all the Old 
Testament books save Ecclesiastes, Solomon's Song, Esther, 
Daniel and some psalms are of earlier date than Ecclesiasticus. 

hose who date Ecclesiasticus about 200 B. C. date most of 
the latest group of Old Testament writings 250 B. C. or earlier. 
That this date was about 150 years earlier than 250 B. C. has 
been sufficiently proved in the last two lectures. On Chroni- 
cles see article by K. D. Macmillan in the Pres. and Ref. Rev., 
July, 1900. On Ezra see articles by J. O. Boyd in Apr., July 
and Oct. numbers of same. 

122. Ecclesiastes. — The following are the principal alleged 
proofs of the late date of this book. a. It is written in late 
Hebrew. But not necessarily later than 400 B. C. b. It is 
said to contain Greek ideas. But the same ideas are found 
elsewhere, and earlier than 400 B. C. c. It is said not to be 
alluded to in the New Testament. But that is disputed, and 
is not necessarily significant, even if true. d. Its canonicity 



ALLEGED SCRIPTURES LATER THAN MALACHL 93 

was questioned early in the Christian era (Qus. 44, 45, 46). 
That is no proof that it was not then centuries old. e. It is 
alleged that it cites Ecclesiasticus. On the contrary, it is cited 
by Ecclesiasticus (R. D. Wilson in Pres. and Ref. Rev.^ Jnly, 
1900. p. 502). /. Its freedom from Grreek words or facts, with 
the express witness of the Baba-batra and other traditions 
(Qus. 29, 45, 48, etc.), confirm the presumption (Qu. 119a) that 
it was written before the death of Nehemiah. 

123. Solomon's Song. — It is on substantially the same foot- 
ing with Ecclesiastes, though with fewer of the marks of late 
Hebrew. 

124. Esther.— This book was questioned by some rabbis, and 
was by some Christians grouped with Tobit and Judith (Lects. 
IV, Y). Joseph us uses the apocryphal additions to Esther 
(e. g. Ant, XI. vi. 6 cf. Esth. xiii. 1-7 in K. J. version). In 
the Septuagint a certain copy of Esther in Greek is dated in 
or before *' the fourth year of Ptolemy and Cleopatra," that is 
either B. C. 177 or 112 (Swete, close of Esther). The use of 
Esther in the rabbinical writings is remarkably abundant, an 
entire tract of the Mishna, the tract M^gillah, being devoted 
to this book. For ceremonial reasons it was not read in (he 
synagogue on the sabbath, but its reading at the festival of 
Purim is greatly magnified (on Megil. i in Hod. YIII, M^gillah^ 
pp. 1, 6, 9). Interpretations of the book and regulations con- 
cerning the reading of it are attributed to the men of the great 
Synagogue (Rod. YIII. 22, 2). We are told that " the rabbis 
taught " that the reading of it " was instituted by the prophets 
alone" (YIII. 37). Esther is spoken of as the latest of the 
seven prophetesses of Israel, and as clothed with the Holy 
Spirit (YIII. 38). We have the arguments by which Aqiba 
and others proved that the book of Esther was dictated by the 
Holy Spirit (YIII. 15). It is clear that the men who in the 
second century A. D. raised questions about Esther, believed 
that the recognition of the book dated from the time before 
the ceasing of prophecy. 

125. The Maccabcean situation. — a. During the Maccabsean 
wars, B. C. 170-143, the Jewish population of Palestine was 



04 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

depleted and impoverished by massacTes, persecutions, apos- 
tasies, battles, migrations. It was an unfavorable time for 
culture or literar^^ production, h. Certain literature, described 
as the book or the books of the law or of the covenant, was 
the object of the intensest devotion of the Jewish patriots, and 
of the malignity of their enemies. There is no reason for hold- 
ing that this was merely the pentateuch, for the patriots are 
represented as familiar with most parts of the Old Testament 
(e. g. I Mac. ii. 51-61). c. Work in the secondary sacred lit 
erature is attributed to them : e. g. the regathering of Nehe- 
miah' s library (2 Mac. ii. 14), or the two epistles in 2 Mac. i. 1-ii.. 
18, or the five books of Jason (2 Mac. ii. 23). To the times of 
the Maccabsean wars and the decades that follow probably be 
long the book of Enoch, the first and second books of Macca- 
bees, some of the other Apocryphal books and a long list of 
Alexandrian Jewish writings. These writings mention Greek 
proper names, war elephants, Greek usages of war, Greek 
games and gymnasia, dates in the Greek era, and bear num- 
berless other distinct marks of the Greek period (e. g. 2 Mac. 
xiv. 4, 12, 18, 33, 1 Mac. i. 14, 17, 54). 

126. Writing of scripture in the Maccabcean timesf -That 
there was none is strongly probable, a. The reasons given 
above (Lects. XII, XIII) in proof that the Old Testament was 
completed under Nehemiah. b. The literary possibilities of 
the period are immensely overworked if we attribute to it, in 
addition to the literature that is known to belong to it, these 
widely different bodies of apocryphal and biblical literature. 
c. The conviction of the non-existence of contemporaneous 
prophecy, which we have found prevalent in the Maccabsean 
times would have rendered it impossible that books then writ- 
ten should have been added to the scriptures (Qu. 115). d. 
The accounts we have of these times are so full as to emphasize 
here the argument from silence. If any scripture writing had 
been done in them, there would certainly be some tradition of 
it, but there is none. e. If the Maccabsean term Asidcean (1 
Mac. ii. 42, vii. 13, 2 Mac. xiv. 6) is of biblical origin, from 
hesed^ loving kindness, hasidh, favored one, saint, godly one 



DATE OF IHE BOOK OF DANIEL. 95 

(Pss. Ixxix. 2, xcvii. 10. cxxxii. 9, cxlix. 9), that does not 
prove that the parts of the bible that contain these terms are 
of Maccabsean date. 

127. Daniel. — a. The correspondence between Dan. vii-xii 
and the events before and after Antiochus Epiphanes is plaus- 
ible, though not perhaps, beyond question. If one assumes 
that supernatural prediction is impossible, he may find liere a 
strong argument to prove that the author lived after these 
events ; but not otherwise, h. The late date of Daniel is in- 
ferred from certain alleged errors in the historical outline of 
the book, but the allegations of error are mistaken, c. The 
fact that Daniel is partly in Aramaic is urged in proof of late 
date, but in this Daniel does not differ from Ezra (cf. Dan. ii. 
4, Ezra iv. 7, 2 Ki. xviii. 26). d. In one passage in Daniel 
(Dan. iii. 4-5, 7, 10, 15, cf. "made proclamation", v. 29). are 
used Grreek words for names of musical instruments and for 
herald. In the case of most of them it is uncertain whether 
the Aramaic borrowed them from the Grreek or the Greek from 
the Aramaic. But if they were all originally Greek they could 
be accounted for without supposing that the book was written 
in the so-called Greek period. In this there is a marked con- 
trast between Daniel and the known works of the Maccabsean 
period, e. We see more fully the significance of this when we 
observe that at least 15 Persian words are used in Daniel, be- 
sides proper names and mentions of Persian events. The in- 
stances number several dozen in all (i. 3, 5, 8, ii. 5, 8, etc.. 
Driver Introd., p. 501 ed. of 1897). It is incredible that such 
writing was done a century and a half after the Persian period 
had been replaced by the Greek. /. The silence of Ecclesias- 
ticus is urged against the early date of Daniel, but Ecclesias- 
ticus is also silent concerning Ezra. g. It is said that we must 
account for Daniel not being in the prophetic division of the 
Old Testament by holding that this book was not yet written 
when the second canon was closed. But there is a better reason. 
The prophetic books are homiletical, and Daniel is not. h. 
There is specific testimony to the effect that the contents of 
Daniel were regarded in the Maccabsean times as ancient (1 



OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 



Mac. ii. 51-61, 3 Mac. vi. 3-8), and to the effect that they were 
old literature in the time of Alexander the great (Jos. Ant, 
XI. viii. 5, XII. vii. 6). i. The st\de of Daniel has i)oints in 
common with that of "the Chronicler," the writer or writers 
who put Chronicles and Ezra and Nehemiah into final form. 
j. This last fact co-incides with all the others in fixing the 
date of the book of Daniel about 400 B. C. k. Most of these 
points are emphasized by a detailed comparison between the 
books of Daniel and of Enoch, the latter a true product of the 
Maccabsean times. 

128. Supposed MaccahcBan psalms. — a. There are no syna 
gogues in Ps. Ixxiv. 8; the statement is that the enemy, in 
burning the temple, have burned up all the set feasts. Yerse 
9 does not imply that the succession of prophets has ceased 
(cf. 1 Sam. xxviii. 6, Lam. ii. 9, Ezek. vii. 26). And so with 
all similar alleged instances, b. It is true that the singing of 
religious songs is a prominent feature of the Maccabsean times 
(e. g. 1 Mac. iv. 24, 33, 54); but this makes the silence of the 
accounts as to the composing of such songs the more signifi 
cant ; and further, the singing is always in celebration of vic- 
tories, while many of the alleged Maccabsean psalms would not 
suit such occasions, c. Nothing is proved by the mere fact 
that many of the existing psalms fit certain incidents of the 
Maccabsean times; for the same psalms equally fit many other 
incidents, earlier and later than those times, d. It seems to 
be capable of proof that several of the alleged Maccabsean 
Psalms are cited in Ecclesiasticus {Pres. and Ref. Rev., July, 
1900, p. 505). 



Part II. The Old Testament from its beginningfs to A. D. 1900. 

LECTURE XY. 
The StTBJECT Outlined, 

129. A principle of classification. — Neither the classifica- 
tion in the Hebrew bibles nor that in the English bibles will 
serve the purposes of a historical study. But 16 of the 39 



CLASSIFICATION BY HISTORICAL CONTENTS. 97 

books of the Old Testament consist of four series of historical 
works, and the remaining 28 books bear certain relations to 
these series. This gives us a practical basis of classification. 

130. Classification by historical contents. — a. First series: 
the first six books, commonly known as the hexateuch. Pur- 
ports to treat of the formative period of the sanctuary and in- 
stitutions of Israel. With it some have classed Job and Ps. 
90. b. Second series : Judges, Ruth and 1 and 2 Samuel. In- 
stitutions and sanctuary unsettled. With it belong such 
psalms as were written in David's lifetime, c. The third ser- 
ies : 1 and 2 Kings. The time when Solomon's temple was 
the sanctuary. With it many psalms. Proverbs, the Song, 
probably Job, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Lamentations, the first nine 
minor prophets, d. Fourth series : 1 and 2 Chronicles with 
Ezra and Nehemiati. Repeats the preceding history, and gives 
that of the restored sanctuary after the exile. With it 
Ezekiel, the last three minor prophets, some psalms, Eccle- 
siastes, Esther, Daniel. 

131. A growing aggregate of sacred writings. — a. Not an 
accidental aggregate of the extant remains of ancient Israeli- 
tish literature, b. Not a late selection from Israelitish liter- 
ature, c. But an aggregate recognized as sacred from very 
early times, and growing by additions made to it from time to 
time. An aggregate at every stage distinguishable from other 
literature, and capable of being properly called "law", 
"prophets", "writings" (Qu. 27). 

132. The five scripture-producing epochs. — We shall find 
that the growth of this aggregate, by the account it gives of 
itself, was not continuous from generation to generation, but 
that there were five scripture-producing epochs. These may 
be indicated by the names of Moses, Joshua and Phinehas ; of 
Samuel, David and Nathan ; of Hezekiah and Isaiah ; of Jer- 
emiah ; and of Ezra and Nehemiah. The chronology is in dis- 
pute, but according to the biblical numbers Phinehas died 
before 1400 B. C, Nathan about 1000, Hezekiah not far from 
700, Jeremiah it may be about 560, and Nehemiah not long 
after 400. 



98 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

133. Processes of collection and canonization. — a. Neither 
for the time of Nehemiah nor for any other date have we any 
account of an official making of a promu]g:ated canon. It is 
not necessary to hold that there ever was any canon- making 
process other than the receiving of the books as prophetical 
from the time when they were written, b. But we have ex- 
plicit though incomplete accounts of sacred collections of 
writings, from the time of Moses to that of the books that 
Josephus found laid up in the temple. Witness '' the book" 
(Ex. xvii. 14. 1 Sam. x. 25); the Mosaic law book(D^'Ut. xxxi. 
9-13, 24-26, xvii. 18, 11) ; that of Josiah's time 2 Ki. xxii. 8, 
etc.); the work of Hezekiah's men (Prov. xxv. 1); Daniel's 
books (ix. 2); that read by Ezra (Neh. viii. 3, etc.). 

134. The completing of the Old Testament aggregate. — The 
men who completed it, whoever they were, did several var- 
ieties of work. a. They gathered literary materials — such 
writings or fragments of writings as they could find, bearing 
on the history and the sacred institutions of their nation (see 
Qus. 111c, 137 and references), h They made written studies 
on subjects of this sort ; witness the midr'shim of 2 Chron. 
xiii. 22, xxiv. 27, and perhaps other works that are mentioned 
in Chronicles, c. They wrote the latest books of the Old 
Testament, d. They collected the Hebrew biblical writings ; 
grouping the three books of the major prophets, and the 
twelve books of the minor prophets ; gathering the last books 
of the psalms, and putting the five books of the psalms to- 
gether, partly incorporating and j)artly redistributing the 
earlier psalm books (Qu. 194). e. To some extent, they probably 
did a work of revising, annotating, and otherwise changing the 
scriptural writings they collected. There is now a strong 
tendency to go to an extreme in attributing to them a great 
deal of this, but it seems to me that the truth lies nearer 
the opposite extreme. So far as any doctrine of inspiration is 
concerned, it may be held that they were inspired for this 
work. /. They did something (not all that the traditions as- 
sign to them, but something) in the way of making arrange- 
ments for the uncorrui)ted transmission of the writings. 



EXTRABIBLICAL WRITINGS. 99 

135. Order of treatment. — In the following lectures we are 
to consider, first, the non-sacred literature of Israel in biblical 
times ; second, the peculiarity known as composite authorship, 
presented in the biblical writings ; third, the structure and 
origin of the biblical writings for the four periods marked by 
the four historical series ; fourth, the history of the aggregate 
from the time of its completion. 



LECTURE XVI. 

EXTRABIBLICAL AVrITINGS OF BiBLE TiMES. 

136. The posthihlical tvritings. — We have already consid- 
ered these in Lect. II. But especial attention should now be 
paid to certain of them, preserved in Josephus and the Septua- 
gint, which treat of the ancient history of Israel (e. g. Jos. 
Ant. II. ix, X, xi, or the Greek of 1 Ki. xii. 24, ii. 35, 46, viii. 
53). Do these indicate the existence of extrabiblical Israeli- 
tish literature ? and if so, how^ early ? 

137. Works mentioned in the latest books. — Examine the 
use made of each of the following titles of literary works, and 
make up your mind whether the works referred to are now 
included in the Old Testament : a. The Book of the Kings of 
Judah and Israel (2 Chron. xvi. 11, xxv. 2(5, xxviii. 26, xxxii. 
32); of the Kings of Israel (xx. 34); of the Kings (xxiv. 27). 
of the Kings of Israel and Judah (xxvii. 7, xxxv. 27, xxxvi. 
8). b. The Book of the Kings of Israel (1 Chron. ix. 1); 
Words of the Kings of Israel (2 Chron. xxxiii. 18). c. The 
Midrash of the Book of the Kings (xxiv. 27); Midrash of Iddo 
(xiii. 22). d. The Words of Samuel, G-ad and JN'athan (1 
Chron. xxix. 29); the Words of Nathan, the Prophecy of 
Ahijah, the Visions of Jedo (2 Chron. ix. 29); the Words of 
Shemaiah (xii. 15); the Words of Jehu (xx. 34); writings of 
Isaiah concerning Uzziah and Hezekiah (xxvi. 22, xxxii. 32); 
" Shemaiah wrote" (1 Chron. xxiv. 6). e. Words of my Seers 
(xxxiii. 19); Lamentations (xxxv. 25); Iddo on Genealogies 



100 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 



(xii. 15). /. Liturgical writins^s of David and Solomon (xxx v. 
4 Ci. Ezra iii. 10); Commandments of David, Gad and Nathan 
(xxix. 25). Last Words of David (1 Chron. xxiii. 27). g. 
Book of Moses (Ezra vi. 18, cf. 1 Chron. xxiii-xxvi). h Book 
of Chronicles (Neh. xii. 23). i. Chronicles of the Kings of 
Media and Persia (Esth. x. 2). j. Books then numerous (Ec. 
xii. 12). 

138. Literature as recognized in the middle hooks. — a 
Chronicles of the Kings of Israel (1 Ki. xiv. 19 and seventeen 
other places) ; of Judah (xiv. 29 and thirteen other places) ; 
Book of the Wordp of Solomon (xi. 41); Solomon's poems, 
natural history, etc. (iv. 32-33 [v. 12-13]). h. The probable 
dates of the works mentioned in d and f, Qu. 137? c. In- 
stances of doing buisness in writing (Jer. xxxii. 10-12, 44, 
Prov. iii. 3, vii. 3, 2 Ki. x. 1, 6, 1 Ki. xxi 8, 2 Sam. xi. 15, 
viii. 16, 17). d. Other mention of writing (Isa. xxix. 11-12, 
xxx. 8, Job xiii. 26, xix. 23-24, xxxi. 35). 

139. In the earlier times. — a. Book of Jashar (Josh. x. 12- 
14, 2 Sam. i. 17-27, not the Greek at 1 Ki. viii. 53); Wars of 
Yahweh (Num. xxi. 14); Verses (Num. xxi. 16-18, 27-30). 6. 
Business in writing (Jud. viii. 14, v. 14, Josh, xviii. 4, 6, 8, 9, 
Num. xi. 26, v. 23, Deut xxiv. 1, Isa. 1. 1, Ex. xxxii. 31-33). 
c. Other notices of writing (Ex. xxviii. 9-11, 21, 29, 36, xxxix. 
6, 14, 30, Num. xvii. 2, 3 [17, 18], Deut. vi. 9, xi. 20). d. 
Kiriath-sepher (Josh. xv. 15, 16, 49, Jud. i. 11-12. 

140. Confirmatory matters.— a. The prophets are said to 
have been writers, from Moses down (Qus. 137-139 and concord- 
ance), h. The parts of the Old Testament that give the early 
history quote literature that is still earlier (e g. Gen. iv. 23- 
24, ix. 25-27, xxv. 23, xxvii. 27-29, 39-40, Num. xxiii-xxiv, 
1 Sam. ii. 1-10). c. Some words denoting literary facts are 
common to the Hebrew, Aramaic, Assyrian, Arabic and other 
Semitic languages. Probably this denotes early literary de- 
velopment in Israel. 

141. Early contact of Israel with literary peoples. —a. De- 
scribe the geographical situation in Palestine, with reference 
to Egypt and Mesopotamia, h. According to the bible, what 



ISRAEL LITERARY FROM THE TIME OF THE EXODUS. 101 



were the early relations of Israel to the peoples of those coun- 
tries ? c. From articles on Egypt, Assyria, Babj^lonia, Arabia, 
Phoenicia, the Hittites, state how early these peoples had ex- 
tensive literatures, d. How does this bear on the question of 
the date of the beginning of Israelitish literature ? 

See Schrader's Cuneiform Inscriptions, the Records of the Past, Smith's 
Assyrian Discoveries^ Mariette-Bey's Monumoits of Upper Egypt, Mc 
Curdy's History, Prophecy and the Monuments, and all that class of books, 
besides Encyclopaedia articles and articles in the recent Teachers' Bibles. See 
also Moses and his Recent Critics, Essay XII, and articles by Osgood, Sayce, 
and Mc Curdy, m the Sunday School Tifnes for Sept. 20 and Nov. 8, 1890, and 
Jan. 24, Apr. 11, Ma}^ 16, June 27, Aug. 8, 1891. 

142. The El-amarna tablets, — Certain kings of the eight- 
eenth Egyptian dynasty, known as the heretic kings, moved 
the capital of Egypt to the locality now known as El-amarna, 
on the Nile. This is commonly spoken of as in the fourteenth 
or fifteenth century B. C. It was certainly while the Israel- 
ites were in Egypt, whatever date we give it in years B. C. 
Certain archives of these kings were discovered in 1887, inclu- 
ding several hundred cuneiform tablets. Among these were 
a large number of letters and reports from Palestine, proving 
that Semitic writing was then a well known thing in those 
regions. 

See articles by Dr. Jastrow in Journal of Exegetical Society. Part I, 1892 
and Part I, 1893. These give a good bibliography. The letters are accessible 
in English in Winckler's volume, and in Rec. of Past, new series, vols, III-VI. 

143. Results. — From our inquiries we find that the later bib- 
lical writers knew of Israelitish writings enough to form libra- 
ries. As the times recede, our information becomes less and 
less full, but the following three things were true of Israel, 
from before the exodus : a. Many of the people could read and 
write, h. They had poets and prose writers among them, 
c. Everybody knew something of the function of writing and 
of authorship. 



LECTURE XYII. 
Composite Authorship. 

144. Explanations. — The phrase "composite authorship '^ 
figures very largely in questions concerning the Old Testa 
ment, and a clear idea of its meaning is very important. We 
can best study it by the help of an instance. The following 
passage is literally translated from 1 Sam. xxxi and 1 Chron. 
X. The parts that are common to the two are printed in ordi- 
nary type ; the parts that are peculiar to Samuel are italicized, 
and the parts that are peculiar to Chronicles are in capitals. 

145. An instance. — *'] Now the Philistines were fighting^ 
with Israel, and the men of Israel fled^ from before the Philis- 
tines, and fell slain in the mountain uf the Gilboa. 2 And the 
Philistines closely pursued after Saul and after his sons, and 
the Philistines smote Jehonathan^ and Abinadab and Mal- 
chishua the sons of Saul. 3 And the battle was heavy unto^ 
Saul, and the shooters, men with the bow, found him, and he 
was exceedingly annoyed from the shooters. 4 And Saul said 
to^ his armorbearer : Draw thy sword and thrust me through 
therewith, lest ' these uncircumcised enter, and thrust me 
through, and make sport of me. And his armorbearer was un- 
willing, because he was exceedingly afraid ; and Saul took the 
sword, and fell upon it. 5 And his armorbearer saw that Saul 
was dead and he also himself fell upon the sword of him and 
died with him 6 And Saul died, and his three sons, and his 
armorbearer, also all his men, ^ in that day together they died. 
7 And ALL the men^ of Israel who were across the valley, ^ or 
who were across the Jordan, saw that the men of IsraeP were 
iled and that Saul and his sons were dead ; and they aban- 

1. In Chron. "fought." 

2. Plural in Sam., singular and collective in Chron. 

3. In Chron. " Jonathan." 

4. In Chron. "upon." 

5. In Chron, "unto." 

6. In Chron. " all his house." 

7. Plural in Sam., sing, collective in Chron. 

8. In Chron. " in the valley." 

9. In Chron. "they." 



COMPOSITE AUTHORSHIP. 103 

doned the cities of them and fled ; and the Philistines entered 
and dwelt in them. ^® 8 And it came to pass on the morrow 
that the Philistines entered to strip the slain ; and they found 
Saul and his three sons fallen in the mountain of the Gilboa. 
9 And they cut off his head, and stripped him, and took up 
HIS HEAD AND Ms amior, and sent into the land of the Philis- 
tines round about, to make glad with the tidings the house of 
their idols and the people. 10 And they placed his armor in 
the house of Ashtaroth, ^ ^ and his skull they nailed up in 
THE house of dagon, and his body they nailed up at the wall 
of Beth'Shan, 11 And all the inhabitants of Jabesh-gilead 
heard of it, all that the Philistines had done to Saul. 12 And 
all men of power arose and went up aU the night and took'^ ^ 
the body of Saul and the bodies of his sons^ ^ /rom the ivall of 
Beth-shan, and came and brought them in to Jabesh, and 
burned them there, 13 and took and buried their bones under 
the tamarisk^ ^ in Jabesh, ^ ^ and they fasted seven days. And 
Saul died for his rebellion which he rebelled with 
Yahweh, upon the word of Yahweh which he kept not, 
and also for that he asked of one that had a familiar 
spirit, in order to inquire ; 14 and he inquired not of 
Yahweh ; and he slew him, and brought around the 
kingdom to david the son of jesse." 

146. Inferences. — a. In writing this passage, the author of 
Chronicles did not, like a modern writer of history, first study 
his sources, and then state the facts in his own language. He 
transcribed verses 1-12 with slight changes, either from the 
book of Samuel or from the source whence the writer in Sam- 
uel obtained them. 6. His om issions are made systematically, 
and in the interest of rendering the narrative briefer and more 
fluent, c. In the additions he makes, there are marks of a 

10. In Chron. the pronoun is masculine, giving perhaps the meaning "among 
them " that is, among the Israelites. 

11. In Chron. " in the house of their gods." 

12. In Chron. " took up." 

13. For " body " and " bodies" the usual Hebrew word is used in SamueL 
In Chron. a word is used which occurs only here. 

14. In Chron. " terebinth." 

15. He directive in Sam. and not in Chron. 



104 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

style of Hebrew later than that of the transcribed passage, d. 
He does not always treat his sources thus, transcribing them. 
In verses 13-14 he has summarized facts which are given in 
detail in Samuel. e. We need not notice other points, nor 
touch upon certain matters of Hebrew diction which cannot 
be shown in the translation. 

147. Various sources in composite authorship. — An inspec- 
tion of the instance just given will show us something of the 
way in which the human authors of the Old Testament did 
their work. One important point, however, it fails to show ; 
an author might do his work by transcribing from several 
sources, and not from one source only ; and if he did, the 
transcribed passages would probably follow one another, with 
the author's own notes interspersed, and without any state- 
ments to enable the reader to distinguish one from the other. 

148. Credihility and composite authorship. — a. Within lim- 
its it is true that the older elements in a composite narrative 
are the more trustworthy, b. But it is also true that the man 
who put the earlier writings together in the composite whole 
had information which we lack; therefore we should not 
lightly disregard his judgment, c. It is further true that the 
process of dissecting a composite writing into its original parts 
is nearly always logically defective — like the attempt to de- 
termine a space by two lines ; hence we cannot trust the re- 
sults except as we have confirmatory evidence, d. Hence the 
especial importance here of looking at every part of the evi- 
dence, and allowing one part to interpret another. 

149. Composite authorship and inspiration. — The facts are 
inconsistent with the idea that the scriptures were mechanic- 
ally dictated by God ; they are consistent with any other 
doctrine of inspiration. The Holy Spirit is as able to guide 
men in the processes of composite authorship as in any other 
supposable literary processes. 



LECTURE XVIII. 

Scripture Writit^gs of the First Period. The 

Hexateuch. 

150. Limits of treatment. — The hexateuch constitutes a sub- 
ject so extensive and complicated that it demands a course of 
lectures by itself. All that we can now do is to devote one 
lecture to outlining its contents, etc., and another to outlining 
the opinions now currently held concerning it. 

151. The three kinds of material in the hexateuch. — First, 
poems and addresses ; second, legislation ; third, narratives 

152. Poems and addresses. — a. For example Gen. xlix. 2- 
27, Ex. XV. 1-18, Num. xxiii-xxiv, Deut. xxxii. 1-43, Deut. 
xxxiii. h. Deut. i. 3-iv. 40, Josh, xxiii. Josh. xxiv. On a 
different footing, perhaps, is G-en. xliv. 18-34. 

153. Legislation. — Sometimes classified as moral, civil and 
ceremonial. More usefully classified as the covenant legislation, 
the priestly legislation and the people's legislation. 

154. The covenant legislation. — a. " The ten words " , with 
the precepts that follow (Ex. xx). h. The "covenant code" 
or "judges' code" (xxi-xxiii), containing civil and religious 
laws. The civil laws concern, first, Hebrew slaves and slave 
wives (xxi. 1-11); second, injuries to persons (12-32); third, 
injtiries to property (33-xxii. 15); fourth, conduct in particu- 
lar cases (xxii. 16-xxiii. 5) ; fifth, judicial procedure (6-9). 
The religious laws concern the sabbatical year, sabbath, annual 
feasts, abstinence from idolatry (xxiii. 10-33). c. The "little 
covenant code" (Ex. xxxiv. 12-26), emphasizing and supple- 
menting these religious regulations. 

155. The priestly legislation. — a. The so called "holiness 
code" (Lev. xvii-xxvi), laws which the Levite priests were to 
enforce upon the people, in order to keep them separate to 
Yahweh. h. Laws regulating details of priestly functions. 
Some of them are partly codified in Leviticus, but in general 
they are recorded in the mosi haphazard manner, one law be- 
ing repeated with variations in several places, and the laws 



106 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

assumiDg a great variety of forms. They include narratives 
or descriptions recording precedents ; orders from headquart- 
ers ; return-reports ; manuals for particular services. State 
the form and the subject of the legislation in each of the fol- 
lowing sections : Ex. xi-xiii, Josh, ix, Ex. xxv-xxxi, xxxv- 
xl, Num. i, ii, iii-iv, v, vi, vii, viii-x, xv-xix, xxv-xxvii, 
xxviii-xxix, xxx, xxxiv, xxxv, xxxvi, Lev. i-vii, viii-x, xi- 
XV. xvi, xxvii. 

156. The Detderonomic legislation. — ^ouietime^ described 
as the " people's code " or the "king's code." Mainly con- 
tained in Deut. xii-xxvi, though also in other parts of Deut- 
eronomy, and in occasional sections elsewhere. Repeating 
many of the covenant and the priestly laws, but including 
other laws. Introduced by a long public address, with much 
exhortation. 

157. The narrative parts. — By these the poems and addresses 
are bound together into a consecutive whole. Different sec- 
tions differ greatly in literary character. Often a continuous 
account repeats itself in some parts. In Genesis the word 
toldoth, translated " generations ", is ten times used as a title 
or inscription. These and similar phenomena are regarded as 
indicating that the narratives themselves are composite in 
character. 

158. Alleged inconsistencies in the narrative. — A multitude 
of contradictions are charged against these narratives, and it 
is therefore alleged that the original documents and the men 
who edited them are alike untrustworthy as to matters of fact. 
But with no important exceptions the alleged inconsistency 
is a matter of interpretation, and in most instances it can be 
made out only by a forced interpretation. 

159. Certain undisputed facts concerning the hexateuch. — 
a. In the hexateuch itself and in other waitings down to and 
including those of the New Testament, there is a full line of 
testimony to the effect that the hexateuch was written by 
Moses and men associated with him. Men who deny that it 
was written thus early say that part of the testimony is fiction, 
and the rest is either falsehood or mistake, b. The testimony 



MEANING OF THE TERM MOSAIC AUTHORSHIP. 107 

is confirmed by obvious and weighty linguistic considerations. 
We have found the postexilian books full of Persian words ; 
there are none in the hexateuch. From the time of Samuel 
the phrase '' Yahweh of hosts " occurs abundantly, while it 
is not in the hexateuch. In a large number of instances of 
this kind, all parts of the hexateuch lack phenomena that ap- 
pear in the rest of the Old Testament. On the other hand, the 
several parts of the hexateuch have certain uses of masculine 
forms for feminine, of harsher sibilants in preference to softer, 
of the accusative after passive verbs, and other like matters, 
that distinguish them from the other books. Men who hold 
to a late date for the hexateuch are obliged also to hold that 
its authors designedly wrote in archaic style, c. In dating a 
literary work, testimony confirmed by linguistic phenomena 
must be regarded as decisive, unless there are distinctly stronger 
reasons on the other side. 

160. Mosaic authorship: what does the term mean f — If 
Moses wrote such a work as the pentateuch, he probably did 
it in the way in which other busy public men do similar work: 
employing not amanuenses merely, but clerks and secretaries; 
causing reports and papers to be drawn up by other men ; 
gathering older documents ; more likely than not leaving a 
mass of written matter to be edited and supplemented after his 
death. If he did this he would still be the proper author of 
the work, since He would be the person mainly responsible for 
its existence as literature. But there would be a great differ- 
ence between this and his writing as a scholar in a closet writes. 

161. Phinehas the grandson of Aaron. — An associate of 
Moses, but surviving Moses 60 years or more. Next to Moses 
and Joshua the most prominent man of the times. Highpriest 
and therefore chief custodian of the " book of the law " (Deut. 
xxxi. 9) after the death of Moses and Eleazar. Still active 
(Jud. XX. 1, 28) after the capture of Leshem by the Danites 
(Num. XXV. 7, 11, xxxi. 6, Ps. cvi. 30, Josh. xxii. 13, 30, 31, 
32, xxiv. 29-33 ; also Josh. xix. 47, Jud. xviii. 29, Jud. i-iii, 
xvii-xviii, xix-xxi). 



LECTURE XIX. 
The Hexateuch. Ophstions Cot^cerning It 

162. The old tradition and the new tradition. — a. The old 
has been hauded down among Jews and Christians from the 
times when the Old Testament was written ; the new has ob - 
tained a recognized standing within the past forty years, though 
most of the elements of it are older. Its advocates confidently 
expect that it will soon displace the old. h. The new like the 
old is a tradition. That is, first, it has gained for itself a con 
stitnency, and a recognized standing ; and second, it is true of 
both the old and the new that most of their adherents receive 
them on the word of their teachers, and not on the basis of 
independent original study. 

163. The literary unit. — a. The older tradition has com- 
monly held, or at least negatively assumed, that the pentateuch 
is a work by itself, Joshua being an additional and different 
literary work. b. The new tradition holds that the hexateuch 
is the literary unit, Joshua and the preceeding five books be- 
ing compiled from the same documents, c. Whether or no 
we accept the reason assigned, the new tradition is here cor- 
rect in its conclusion. The hexateuch is certainly a literary 
unit. It has one subject, the history of Israel in its formative 
period, and one point of view. The narrative in Joshua is 
directly continuous with that in Numbers and Deuteronomy, 
while there is a literary break between Joshua and Judges. 

164. Composite writing. — a. The old tradition has common- 
ly held, or at least negatively assumed, that the pentateuch is 
mainly a continuous composition by one author, though ad- 
mitting that he may have incorporated earlier pieces of writ- 
ing, h. The new tradition recognizes the thoroughly com- 
posite character of the six books, c. The new is here correct. 
The man or men who gave the hexateuch its present literary 
shape had in possession a mass of written poems, addresses, 
legal documents, narratives, and composed the work by put- 
ting these papers together, writing in addition whatever parts 
were needful for the purpose in hand. One ought to recognize 



AUTHORSHIP OF THE HEXATEUCH. 109 



this, even if he holds that Moses was both the writer of all 
the parts of the pentateuch, and the man who put the parts 
together. 

165. Particular theories of composite outhorship. — a. The 
advocates of the new tradition are not content with affirming 
€oraposite authorship in general , they have attempted the 
solution of the problem of the sources. No two of the solu- 
tions are alike, but there is a fairly general agreement in cer- 
tain outlines, h. It is held that the hexateuch was compiled 
mainly from four earlier documents, each of them the product 
of still earlier compiling and rewriting. First is J, a Judaite 
document, using prevailingly the name Yahweh. Second is 
E, an Ephraimite document, using prevailingly the name 
Elohim. These combined constituted JE, and included most 
of the covenant legislation, and the nari-atives therewith con- 
nected. Third is D, the Deuteronomic laws and addresses. 
Fourth is P, the priestly laws with their accompanying nar- 
ratives. As they are held to be of different dates, the suc- 
cessive strata are designated P^, P^, P^, etc., the principal 
document in the series being P^. A similar notation is applied 
to the asserted successive strata of J, E and D. P stands for 
the work of the redactors who combined the documents, and 
various combinations of these symbols have evident meanings 
for denoting the several varieties of the work that was done. 
€, The scholars who have made this analysis have done much 
good study of biblical phenomena, but it is at every point af- 
fected with the logical vice of drawing its conclusions from 
particular premises only. 

166. Date and authorship. — a. According to the old tradi- 
tion Moses was the author of the pentateuch, and Joshua of 
the sixth book, with some difference of opinion concerning the 
latter, h. According to the new tradition it is uncertain how 
much Moses had to do with even the early history and legisla- 
tion, to say nothing of written materials. A majority hold 
that J and E were compiled, one after the other, about the 
time of the prophet Amos, several centuries after Moses, out 
of the traditions which had accumulated at Bethel, Ban, 



no OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

Shechem, Hebron, Beer-sheba and other sancturies ; that the 
nucleus of D was the book of the law found in the temple in 
Josiah's time, B. C. 621 ; that the several strata of P were writ- 
ten at different times still later, mostly after the exile ; that the 
hexateuch as a whole was produced in the times of Ezra and 
Nehemiah, about 400 B. C, though parts of it are still later. 
c. This contradicts the evidence. The evidence justifies the 
proposition that the hexateuch was completed within the life- 
time of men who knew Moses, and that Moses and Joshua were 
essentially responsible for its existence. 

167. Post-Mosaic elements. — a. Many advocats of the old 
tradition regard these as the result of annotation, at unknown 
dates ana by unknown editors, b. The new tradition regards 
them in general as genuine marks, proving the late date of the 
documents where they occur, c. As a matter of fact, there 
are frequent allusions in the hexateuch to events after the 
death of Moses and Joshua, and within the next few decades, 
for example the mention of Dan (Josh. xix. 47, Deut. xxxiv. 
1, Gen. xiv. 14 cf . Jud. xviii. 29 and context), or of Bethel as 
a city (Josh. vii. 2, viii. 9, xii. 9, etc., Gen. xii. 8, xiii. 3, etc. 
cf. xxviii. 19, xxxv. 6 and Jud. i. 22-26). Whether the 
hexateuch contains allusions to any later events is a matter of 
interpretation and dispute. Probably every item in it can be 
reasonably accounted for as earlier than the death of Phinehas 
(Qu. 161), who was in his youth associated with Moses. 

168. 7'he work of Ezra and his associates.— a. According 
to the old tradition they re-edited the hexateuch, and no one 
knows how much or how little work they did on it. 6. Ac- 
cording to the new tradition they are virtually the authors of 
the hexateuch as we have it. c. The truest view is that which 
attributes to them the fewest changes. 

169. Truthfulness in matters of fact. — a. The old tradition 
affirms that the legislation of the hexateuch is genuinely 
Mosaic, and the narratives historical and trustworthy, h. On 
these points the men of the new tradition exhibit a wide diver- 
sity of opinion. Professor Cornill thus states their position : 

" The Israelitish narrative, as it lies before us in the books of the Old Testa- 



SACRED WRITINGS IN THE TIME OF PHINEBAS. Hi 

ment, gives a thoroughly onesided, and in many respects incorrect, picture of 
the profane history, and on the other hand an absolutely false representation 
of the religious history of the people, and has thus made the discovery of. the 
truth well nigh impossible " {Prophets of Israel, p. 3), 

Some advocates of the new tradition are loth to accept this, 
but unless they accept it, their doctrines are helplessly inde- 
fensible {Homdletic Review, June, 1900, pp. 501-510). 

170. The argument from the development of the religion of 
Israel. — a. As their great argument, the advocates of the new 
tradition say that the other books of the Old Testament show 
that the pentateuchal institutions were not in existence during 
the centuries that followed Moses ; and that they then came 
into existence gradually, in the order indicated by the docu- 
ments J, E, D, P, and at the dates which they assign to those 
documents. 6. The advocates of the old tradition deny this. 
Probably no competent scholar would now deny that the 
books of Judges, Samuel, Kings and the earliest prophets, as 
they now stand, presuppose both the institutions and the 
phraseology of the hexateuch as existing in all the genera- 
tions from Moses on. The men of the new tradition do not 
deny this, but explain it by saying that these books have 
been reworked by men who lived after the writing of D and 
of P, and that these men introduced the passages that pre- 
suppose, respectively, the contents of Deuteronomy and the 
priestly laws. 

171. The canon of Phinehas.^li the view we have taken is 
correct Israel had, at the death of Phinehas, a recognized ag- 
gregate of sacred writings, as distinguished from all secular 
writings — the hexateuch in substantially its present form save 
for transmissional changes. This aggregate could properly be 
called the law, as being of divine authority ; or the prophets, 
as coming from men who had the prophetic gift ; or the writ- 
ings, to distinguish it from oral torah. For convenience we 
may call it " the canon of Phinehas '', not intending thereby 
to affirm any particular theory of canon-making. One who 
thinks that the book of Job, the ninetieth Psalm, etc., were 
then in existence, would of course include them in this ag- 
gregate. 



110 OLD TESTAMENT studies: 

172. Literature. — Batten The Old Testament from the Modern Point of 
View is a readable manual presenting the new tradition. Driver Introduction 
is less readable and more thorough. The Hexateuch according to the Revised 
Version, Oxford, 1900, is a very full presentation of the new tradition. For 
graphic presentations of the same see the successive volumes of the Polychrome 
Bible, or Bacon Genesis of Genesis, and Triple Tradition of the Exodus, or 
Die Genesis mit ausserer Unterscheidung der Quellenschriften,\>yYi.dM\,z'aQ)a. 
and Socin, or Genesis Printed in Colors, by Bissell, or The Documents of the 
Hexateuch, by Addis. For variant presentations of the new tradition see the 
introduction to Schrader's Cuneiform Inscriptions, or Dillmann's Genesis. 
The bibliographies in these works will refer you to books amounting to a good 
sized library. On the other side see Green Higher Criticism, of the Pentateuch, 
Unity of the Book of Genesis, Introduction. Moses and the Prophets; Steb- 
bins Study of the Pentateuch; Bissell On the Pentateuch; Moses and his Re- 
cent Critics; R.np-pvechtEinleiting in das Alte Testament, Rdthxel des Funf- 
buches Mose, Rathsels Losung, etc., Van Hoonacker Le Sacerdoce Levitique 
dans la Loi et dans ! Histoit e des Hebreux, or other like works. Also such 
books as Robertson's Early History of Israel, or Bartlett's Veracity of the 
Hexateuch, 



LECTUHE XX. 
ScRiPTUEE Writings of the Secoitd Period. The History. 

173. The writings of this period. — a. First, the historical 
series, consisting of Judges, Ruth and first and second Samuel, 
and second, such psalms as were written in the lifetime of 
king David, h. The Hebrew bibles here omit Ruth, and place 
it among the hagiographa. c. As the books of the hexateuch 
treat of the forming of the institutions and sanctuary of Israel, 
and the establishing of them in Palestine, so Judges and Ruth 
and Samuel treat of the period when the sanctuary was wan- 
dering, and the institutions fluctuating, before they became 
fixed by the building of Solomon's temple. 

174. This series differentiated. — It is as sharply differenti- 
ated from the books of Kings which follow it as from the six 
books that precede it, though the history extends continuous- 
ly through the three. The books of Kings have a chronolog- 
ical method (e. g. 1 Ki. xv. 1-2), a method of literary refer- 
ence (e. g. 1 Ki. xiv. 29), a method of announcing a succession 



JUDGES, RUTH AND SAMUEL. 113 

(e. g. 1 Ki. xiv. 31), a formal verdict on the conduct of a king 
(e. g. I Ki. XV. 3, 11), a regularly repeated statement concern- 
ing the high places (e. g. 1 Ki. xxii. 43). As tested by these 
and by many other marks, they belong to a different school 
of historical writing from the books of Judges, Ruth and 
Samuel. 

175. The structure of the series.— K unit, but formed by 
putting together different previous writings, a. Prefatory 
matters (Jud. i-ii. 5). h. Continuous history of the judges 
(Jud. ii. 6-xiii. 1). This is the only part of the series that has 
a consecutive chronology, c. Six personal stories (Jud. xiii. 
2-xvi, xvii-xviii, xix-xxi, Ruth, 1 Sam. i-iv. la, ix-x. 16). 
Each of these stories is complete in itself, could be dropped 
without leaving any gap, begins with a certain formula intio- 
ducing the persons of the story, draws its interest mainly 
from the things that befall these persons. Excepting these 
six, there are no other stories in the Bible that bear these 
marks, d. Narratives of public history, or of the life of David 
(1 Sam. iv. lb to 2 Sam. xx, ohiitting the story, 1 Sam. ix-x. 
16). The lirst of these narratives (1 Sam. iv. lb.) takes up the 
history at the point where the continuous history of the judges 
(Jud. xiii. 1) leaves it. e. Six appendices (2 Sam. xxi. 1-14, 
15-22, xxii, xxiii. 1-7, -8-39, xxiv). See Jour, of Exegetical 
Society for 1884, pp. 3-28). 

176. Implications as to composition. — a. Presumably the 
earlier narratives of public history were written first, b. Then 
the personal stories, and perhaps other narratives of public 
history, c. Then the continuous history of the judges was 
written, and the stories and the earlier narratives x^ut together 
by its help. d. Last, the later narratives, the prefatory mat 
ter in Judges, and the six appendices were added. 

177. The old tradition as to date{Qu. 29, last paragraph). — 
a. Does it mean that Samuel wrote continuously the part 
from Judg. i to 1 Sam. xxiv, that is, up to the time of his death, 
and that, after his death, Gad and Nathan wrote continuously 
the rest of the books of Samuel ? Thus understood, it is not 
surprising that many treat the tradition with contempt, b. 



114 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

But it is possible to understand it as meaning only that 
Samuel, G-ad and Nathan are the men who are responsible for 
the literary existence of this series of writings ; that is, that 
the series was written by them, or under their influence, and 
before the death of Nathan. Thus understood, the tradition 
is not merely worthy of respectful treatment, but has a pre- 
ponderance of proof in its favor. 

178. Testimony of I Chron. xxix. 29-80. — a. In first Chron- 
icles the books of first and second Samuel appear to be ex- 
tensively used by transcription (1 Chron. x, xi, xiii-xv, xvii- 
xxi). h. It is probable that the author of Chronicles would 
mention his sources, c. The title and description in 1 Chron. 
xxix. 29 may not fit the books of Samuel by themselves, but 
they fit the series. 

179. The men were suited to such a work. — Grive a sketch of 
each of them. a. Gad (1 Sam. xxii. 5, 2 Sam. xxiv. 11, 19, 1 
Chron. xxi. 9-19, xxix. 29, 2 Chron. xxix. 25). h. Nathan (2 
Sam. vii, xii, Ps. li title, 1 Chron. xvii, xxix 29, 2 Chron. 
xxix. 25, ix. 29). For the history of Solomon, Nathan is as- 
sociated with later men than Samuel and Grad. c. Samuel 
(concordance, and in particular, 1 Samuel, Jer. xv. 1, Ps. xcix, 
6, 2 Chron. xxxv. 18). 

180. The times were fit for the production of such writings. 
— a. The accounts say that the times of Samuel, G-ad and 
Nathan were characterized by a great revival of prophetic 
activity. Witness such additional names as those of David, 
Zadok, Asaph. Heman, Jeduthun, Solomon, Ahijah, Shemaiah 
(look them up, by concordance), and such passages as 1 Sam. 
iii. 20-21 contrasted with iii. 1, x. 5-13, xix. 18-21, xxviii. 6, 

1 Chron. xxv. 1, 2, 3, 5, etc. h. And by literary productivity. 
Nearly all these prophets are spoken of as writers. See also 
such passages as 2 Chron. ii. 11, 1 Sam. xxi. 13, 2 Sam. xi. 14, 
15, 1 Chron. xxvii. 24, xxiii. 27, etc. c. And of historical 
research (''recorder'' and ''scribe," 2 Sam. viii. 16, 17, etc ; 

2 Sam. xi. 20, 21 cf. Jud. ix. 53, 2 Sam vii. 6, 8-11, 1 Sam. ii 
27-28. xii. 6-11, etc.) 

181. Certain considerations of motive. — Many parts of the 



JUDGES, RUTH AND SAMUEL. 115 

series bear marks of having been written in the interest of the 
throne of David, and of the primacy of the tribe of Judah (e. 
g. Jud. i. 2 sq.). All the six stories, except that of Samson, 
are Bethlehemite or Ephrathite (Jud. xvii. 7, 8, 9, xix. 1, 2, 18, 
etc., Ru. i. 1, 19, 22, iv. 11, etc., 1 Sam. i. 1, etc., ix. 5, x. 2 
cf. Gen. XXXV. 19-20). All six have the moral that the times 
when there were no kings in Israel were, at best, no better 
than later times. If we suppose that some Israelites found 
David's reign burdensome, and contrasted it with the greater 
freedom enjoyed by their grandfathers, and that one motive 
for writing these stories was to counteract this feeling, the 
supposition fits the case. 



LECTURE XXI. 
Second Period. Histoeical Series — Coi^tinued. 

182. Alleged later dates. — a. Some of the advocates of the 
new tradition analyze Judges and Samuel about as they do the 
hexateuch, dating the parts from about 800 to about 400 B. C. 
(Cornill Bib. Worlds Apr., 1895 ; Driver in Introduction ; the 
volumes of the Polychrome Bible, or of the Internat. Crit. 
Com.), h. Others also assign dates variously after the death 
of Solomon (e. g. Cambridge Bible), c. Some of those who 
disconnect Ruth from Judges regard Ruth as postexilian. 

183. Proofs adduced for late date. — a. One who holds that 
Deuteronomy was written about 600 B. C, and the priestcode 
about two centuries later, must of course hold that the parts 
of Judges and Ruth and Samuel that presuppose these were 
written later still. But really the evidence proves the early 
date of the pentateuch rather than the late date of the other 
books, b. Men who hold to the literary continuity of Samuel 
and Kings must date Samuel later than the latest events in 
Kings, making the book postexilian (2 Ki. xxvi. 27). c. It is 
further alleged that the prophets of Israel were not literary 
men till the time of Amos, the eighth century B. C, several 



116 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 



generations later than Nathan. But the Old Testament says 
that Samuel, Gad, Nathan, Ahijah, Shemaiah. ,Jedo, David, 
Elijah and others were writers (concordance), d. Finally, it 
is asserted that the books of Judges, Rutli and Samuel contain 
elements later than Nathan. This assertion is now to be con- 
sidered. 

184. Judah and Israel. — It is affirmed that these terms are 
used, referring to the divided kingdom after Solomon's time 
(1 Sam. xi. 8, xv. 4, xvii. 52, xviii. 16, xxvii. 6, 2 Sam. v. 5, 
xi. 11, xii. 8, xix. 42, 48, xx. 2, xxiv. 1, Ru. iv. 11, 12). But 
in none of these instances is there any reference to the divided 
kingdom. The authors of these writings have a special inter- 
est in Judah as the Davidic tribe, and this fact explains all 
the instances, excei)t those which belong to the times of Ish- 
bosheth or of Sheba the son of Bichri, when Judah was in 
hostility with the other tribes. Cf. Israel and Benjamin (Jud. 
xx. 14, 18, 20, 21, etc.). 

185. References to the time of the judges. — It is said that 
these writings speak of the time " when there was no king in 
Israel" (Jud. xvii. 6, xviii. 1, xix. 1, xxi. 25) and " when the 
judges judged," (Ru. i. 1) as belonging to a remote antiquity. 
But these phrases would be as appropriate in David's time as 
in any later time. 

186. Unto this day. — A similar argument is based on the 
phrase ''unto this day." But it occurs often, in these writ- 
ings, where it must be referred to times as early as those of 
David, and never where it is impossible so to refer it (Jud. i. 
21, 26, 1 Sam. viii. 8, xxix. 3, 6, 8, and concordance. See 
especially 1 Sam. xxvii. 6). 

187. Allusions to Rehoboam. — There are two of these in the 
Septuagint, but none in the Hebrew (2 Sam. viii. 7, xiv. 27). 

188. Archaisms. — It is said that these writings abound in 
explanations such as show that the writer thought of his facts 
as^ archaic, and unfamiliar to his readers, e. g. the location of 
Shiloh (Jud. xxi. 19), "the seer" (1 Sam. ix. 9), Tamar's 
dress (2 Sam. xiii. 18). But the instances all fail. 

189. Changes of names. — The use of the names Ishbosheth, 



DAVID'S PSALMS. 117 



Mephibosheth, Jeriibbesheth (2 Sam. ii. 8, etc., iv. 4. etc., xi, 
21) for Eshbaal, Meribbaal, Jerabbaal (1 Chron. viii. 33, ix, 
39, viii. 34, ix. 40, Jud. vi. 32, etc.). Bat there is no proof 
that this custom of changing names did not exist in David's 
time ; and if it came in later, still the change may be regarded 
as merely transmissional. 

190. Particular passages. — a. *' Until the day when the 
land went into exile " (Jud. xviii. 30). Explained by ver. 31, 
b. The numerals in 1 Sam. xiii. 1 are not w^ell explained by 
supposing that the chronology was so ancient that it had been 
lost, and are well explained by supposing that the passage 
was written before the technical 'chronological style had been 
•adopted, c. Resemblance between Jud. ii. 11-23 and 2 Ki. 
xvii. 7-23. But this is explained if the writer of the passage 
in Kings had read Judges, and been impressed by it. 

191. Result from these instances. -In fine, the instances al- 
leged not only fail to prove that any part of these writings is 
later than the lifetime of Nathan, but strongly indicate the 
contrary. If the writer had lived much later than David's 
time, he would have mentioned later events, incidentally, just 
as, in the history of the judges, he incidentally mentions 
events up to the time of David. 

192 What do these things prove f — a. No one disputes that 
portions, at least, of the materials of these books came from 
Samuel and Gad and Nathan, or passed through their hands. 
h. The evidence strongly preponderates in favor of the propo- 
sition that the books themselves came from them. 



LECTURE XXII. 

Second Period. Psalms of the Time of David. 

193. Limits of treatment.— '^tYiGtlj speaking, we should at 
this point consider only those psalms that were written by 
David and his contemporaries. This involves, however, the 
consideration of the book of Psalms. And we have no room 



lis OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

to take up the case of particular psalms, but must confine our- 
selves to a general treatment. 

194. Collections of the psalms. — As we now have them they 
consist of five books, separated by the doxologies at the close 
of Pss. xli, Ixxii, Ixxxix, cvi. They include certain lesser 
collections, e. ^. the psalms of Decrees (cxx-cxxxiv), the 
psalms of Asaph (Ixxiii-lxxxiii) and the psalms to the Sons 
of Korah (xlii-xlix and Ixxxiv-lxxxviii) They also exhibit 
traces of yet earlier collections, different from the present ar- 
rangement (Ixxii. 20, for instance) 

195. The date of a psalm. — This is to be determined: a. By 
the testimony of other writings— notably by that of the Old 
and New Testaments, h. By the Hebrew titles of the psalms 
c. By the different titles in the Septuagint and other transla- 
tions, d. By the language and contents of each psalm. 

196. Davidic poetry and music. — The history attributes to 
the times of David great activity, particularly in musical and 
lyrical matters (2 Sam. xxiii. 1, i. 17, iii. 33-c4, 1 Sam. xvi. 
16-18, 23, etc., Amos vi. 5, 2 Chron. vii. 6, xxix. 25-27, 30, 
Neh. xii. 24, 36, 45-47, etc.). 

197. Davidic psalms. — More specifically, the Old and New 
Testaments attribute our present psalms in general, and many 
particular psalms among them, to the time of David, a In 
the following nine passages, excluding duplicates, the New 
Testament connects the name of David with the following 
seven psalms : with Ps. ex Luke xx. 42-44 and parallels, and 
Acts ii. 34 ; with Ps. Ixix. 25, 22-23 Acts i. 16, 20, Rom. xi. 
9-10 ; with Ps. cix. 8 Acts i. 20 ; with Ps. xvi Acts ii. 25, 29- 
34 and xiii. 36; with Ps. ii. 1-3 Acts iv. 25-26 ; withPs. xxxii 
Rom. iv. 6 ; with Ps. xcv. 7 Heb. iv. 7. Evidently the New 
Testament writers regard most or all of these particular psalms 
as written by David personally ; yet more evidently, they 
ascribe the psalms in general to him. b. The Old Testament 
books testify that a group of psalms with the title or refrain 
"for his mercy endureth forever" (like cvi, cvii, cxxxvi. for 
example) were in use from the days of David to those of Cyrus 
(1 Chron. xvi. 34, 41, 2 Chron. v. 13, vii. 3, 6, xx. 21, Isa. iiv. 



THE TITLES OF THE PSALM'S, 119 

8, Jer. xxxiii. 11, Pss. c. 5, cxxxviii. 8, Ezra iii. 11. etc.). c. 
In 1 Chron. xvi. 7-36 it seems to be testified that Pss, cv, xcvi, 
€vi were placed by David in the hands of his singers, when the 
ark was brought to Jerusalem. In 2 Chron. vi. 41. 42, it seems 
to be affirmed that Ps. cxxxii was used at the dedication of 
Solomon's temple. 2 Sam. xxii attributes itself, and therefore 
its duplicate, Ps. xviii, to David, 



LECTURE XXIII. 
Second Period : The Psalms— Continued. 

198. The Hebrew Titles. — These are now written as if they 
were a part of the text of the psalms. That they are so can 
neither be proved nor disproved. That they are older than 
the Septuagint translation, and have been connected with the 
psalms as far back as we can trace the text, is indisputable. 
They attach the name of David to seventy-three psalms, and 
the names of David's contemporaries, Asaph, Heman, Ethan 
and Solomon to fourteen more. That they are always infalli 
bly correct we need not assert. That they sometimes indicate 
some other relation of these men to the psalm than that of 
authorship, is very likely. But they must be regarded as 
indicating authorship, except as the language or contents of 
a psalm prove the contrary. And apart from their evidence 
in the case of any particular psalm, they prove, in general, 
the Davidic origin of the psalms (see " The Inscriptions of the 
Psalms" by C. Martin, Pres. and Ref. Rev., Oct., 1900). 

199. Additional titles in the versions. — In the Septuagint, 
or in some copies of it, or in the Yulgate, or in both Septua- 
gint and Vulgate, are found the following classes of inscrip- 
tive matter, in addition to that found in the Hebrew (or En- 
glish) : a. Additions to the Hebrew title, connecting the 
psalm with incidents in the life of David (cxliii, cxliv, xxvii, 
xxix). h. Connecting the psalms with the exodus, the crea- 
tion, the sabbath, or the resurrection (xxix, perhaps, civ, xciii, 



100 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

xciv, xxiv, xxxviii, Ixvi). c. With ''the Assyrian" (Ixxiii^ 
Ixxvi, Ixxx). d. With Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and their times 
(Ixv, Ixxi, cxxxvii). e. With the second temple, or with 
Haggai, or Zechariah, or both (xcvi, cxii, cxxxviii, cxxxix, 
cxlvi, cxlvii, cxlvii. 12, cxlviii, cxlix, cl). /. They prefix the 
name of David, when the Hebrew does not (xxxiii, Ixvii, Ixxi, 
xciii, xciv, xcv, xcvi, xcvii, xcviii, xcix, civ, cxxxvii). g. 
They connect the name of David freely with the names and 
events of later times (Ixv, Ixxi, xcvi, cxxxvii, cxxxviii, 
cxxxix, etc.). 

The editors evidently held that the name of David might 
be prefixed to a psalm without intending to say that he wrote 
it, bnt also that the Hebrew titles were correct, and that the 
psalms generally, both those so entitled in the Hebrew and 
others, were from David. Further, they show no disposition 
to disguise their opinion that some of the psalms are of late 
date, or to date back Dsalms of this sort. 

200. Historico-critical evidence in the psalms themselves. — 
This precisely tallies with the external testimony, as just re- 
capitulated. Certain psalms, written late, do not at all dis- 
guise that fact (e. g. cxxxvii). But a large proportion of the 
psalms are free from allusions to events later than the time of 
David. This fact comes out with distinctness in the case of 
the Hebrew titles, as compared with the Greek titles, and in 
the case of the psalms that recapitulate the history of Israel 
(Ixxvii, Ixxviii, Ixxxi, Ixxxiii, Ixxxix, cv, cvi, cxxxvi, etc.), 
especially in .contrast v^ith such instances as IN'eh. ix, or Ec- 
clus. xliv-1. 

201. Inconclusive opposing arguments. — In this question we 
are considering pnly the psalms that make some claim to have 
originated in the time of David. As these often mention the 
law and the pentateuchal institutions, one who holds that the 
latter are postexilian must hold that the ostensibly Davidic 
psalms are, in general, still later. Cheyne pronounces all the 
psalms postexilian except xviii. But if there is evidence that 
any psalm was written in David's time, the contrary is not 
proved : a. By the absence of a title, since several of thu 



SCRIPTURES OF THE TIME OF NATHAN. 121 

psalms mentioned in Qu. 197 have no title, b. By its speak- 
ing of Israel as distressed, or captive, or seeking restoration, 
since there were situations of this sort in and before the time 
of David, c. By its mentioning the temple, since there had 
been a temple in Eli's time, and also, anticipatory mention is 
possible, d. By its mentioning the Mosaic law or institutions, 
e. By Aramaisms, since these belong to earlier stages of Isra- 
elitish writings as well as to later. 

202. Conclusions. — a. A large proportion of the psalms, 
especially those spoken of in Qus. 197, 198, must be regarded 
as written in the time of David, b. It does not follow, now 
ever, that the psalms as a whole were the sacred song book of 
Solomon's temple. The indications are rather that, first, one 
or more collections were made in the time of David or soon 
after, for popular use (Ps. Ixxii. 20, etc.). Then, second, 
there was also from David's time a collection for temple use 
(e. g. the *' mercy endure th forever " psalms.) Third, other 
psalms of David's time were handed down in other ways, and 
collected later, c. The writing of the latest psalms and the 
final collection of the five books belong to the times when the 
Old Testament was completed (Qu. 134). 

203. Literature. — Besides commentaries and articles in Bible Dictionaries, 
see "Psalms" in Encyc. Brit, and Amcr. Sup.; Murray Origin and Growth 
of the Psalms, 1880 ; Cheyne The Origin of the Psalter, 1891 ; Robertson 
The Poetry and Religion of the Psahns. i8q8. 

204. The canon of Nathan. — a. The indications of the evi- 
dence thus far examined are to the effect that the prophet 
Nathan, dying in Solomon's time, had an aggregate of recog- 
nized sacred writings consisting of the hexateiich (Qu. 171) 
the books of Judges and Ruth and Samuel, and many psalms. 
This aggregate was then capable of being spoken of, or even 
of being classified, under the terms now familiar, the law, the 
prophets and the writings, b. The recapitulatory psalms 
(Ixxviii, Ixxxi, cv, cvi,) indicate no separation between the 
pentateuch and the other books (Qus. 61e, lOld), whatever be 
the date of the psalms. 



LECTURE XXIY. 

Scripture Writings of the Third Period. Books of 

KiTsras. 

205. The third historical series. — This consists of the two 
books of Kings. It is clear that they are largely transcribed 
from earlier writings. The tradition (Qu. 29) makes Jeremiah 
the author of the books as distinguished from the earlier writ- 
ings. Perhaps there is not much to confirm the tradition, but 
there is no valid objection to it. The books were completed 
later than the death of Nebuchadnezzar, B. C. 562 (2 Ki. xxv. 
27). The earlier writings may have been largely contempo- 
raneous with the events recorded. 

206. Compiled in part from public archives. — One group of 
sources consists of the books of '" Chronicles," whether of 
Israel or Judah, referred to in about thirty places (e. g. 1 Ki. 
xiv. 19, XV. 7). The title naturally indicates official public 
records, and none of the current objections to this understand- 
ing of it are valid. 

207. And in part from writings of prophets. — The writings 
of Nathan, Ahijah, Jedo (not Iddo), Shemaiah, Jehu, and 
Isaiah (2 Chron. ix. 29, xii. 15, xx. 34, xxvi. 22, xxxii. 32, etc.) 
were probably writings of prophets, used as sources by the 
author of Kings. Note especially 2 Chron. xx. 34, xxxii. 32, 
and trace the above names in the successive parts of Kings (1 
Ki. i. 8 sq., xi. 29 sq., xii. 22 sq., xiii. 1 sq. [Josephus calls 
this prophet Jadon, /. e. Jedo] xvi. 1 sq., etc.). Whether the 
author of Chronicles had these writings, except as he found 
them in Kings, is a question to study. As the author of Kings 
had them and had the "book of the Words of Solomon" (xi. 
41), so he doubtless had other written sources. 

208. Frequent reworking. — It is confidently asserted that 
the authors of the books of Kings cannot have had access to 
the original documents, particularly the original public records, 
and that therefore the books of Chronicles which they quote 
must have been earlier compilations from the original docu- 



EARLIER MINOR PROPHETS. 123 

ments ; in other words, that our present books are the rework- 
ing of earlier digests. Of this there is no proof and no 
probability. 

209. The other biblical writings of the period. — a. They are 
more numerous and varied, and more directly assigned to their 
authors, than those of the two preceding periods. 6. Of the 
so called literary prophets they include, first, the minor 
prophets that preceded Isaiah or were contemporaneous with 
him ; second, Isaiah ; third, the middle group of minor 
prophets ; fourth, Jeremiah, c. Of other writings they in- 
clude two wisdom books, the Song, Lamentations and some 
psalms. 



LECTURE XXV. 
Third Period. The Earlier Minor Prophets. 

210. The order in which the minor prophets are arranged. — 
With an exception that will be presently noted, the last six 
are in the order of time. That renders it certain that those 
who made the arrangement regarded the first six as earlier 
than the others. Among these six, however, Hosea is not the 
earliest, but seems to have been placed first on account of its 
larger size, while the order of the others varies in different 
copies. 

211. Joel. — A single prophecy. Dated only by the histori- 
cal situation in it, and by its being presupposed by Amos (e. 
g. compare Am. i. 1 with Joeliii. 16). I connect Joel with the 
invasion of Hazael (2 Ki. xii. 17 sq., 2 Chron. xxiv. 23 sq.). 
This was probably 848 B. C. by the chronology given in the 
bible, 797 B. C. by that commonly followed by Assyriologists. 
Some scholars assign Joe] to a still earlier historical situation. 
Most regard Joel as either the earliest or the latest of the lit- 
erary prophets. As it presupposes the priestly legislation (i. 
9, 13, ii. 14, etc.), some scholars of the new tradition give it a 
very late postexilian date. Against this see Lect. XIV. 



124 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

212. Ohadiah. — A single prophecy. Two historical situa- 
tions, the earlier (10-14, 16) describing a wrong done by Edom, 
and the later (1-9, 15-16) describing Edom's punishment. I 
think that the earlier situation is that of the Hazael invasion, 
the same as in Joel ; and the later that of the overthrow of 
Edom by Amaziah (2 Ki. xiv. 7, 2 Chron. xxv. 11-12), about 
835 or 784 B. C. The vivid description of Edom's punishment 
is quoted at length by Jeremiah (xlix. 7-22) and Ezekiel (xxv. 
12-14), and this has led some to assign Obadiah to the same 
date with Jeremiah and Ezekiel. 

213. Jonah. — He lived not far from the beginning of the 
reign of Jeroboam II of Israel (2 Ki. xiv. 25), at about the 
date just assigned to the situation in Obadiah. The events of 
the book belong to his lifetime. As it has no title, we have 
no means of knowing whether it was written by this prophet 
or later. 

214. Amos.— A. collection of prophetic discourses, all uttered 
at one date, the date being given in the title as a specified 
year about 800 or 750 B. C. 

215. Hosea. — A collection of prophecies uttered at differ- 
ent dates, with a title (i. 1), and other notes of time. Begin- 
ning as a younger contemporary of Amos, Hosea outlived 
most of the men of the next succeeding generation. His latest 
prophecies seem to me to be dated within the six years be- 
tween the accession of Hezekiah and the fall of Samaria, B. 
C. 724-718. 

216. The hvo prophecies. Zecli. ix-xi and xii-xiv. — The his- 
torical situation of these is at a time when the Assyrian is 

*- « 

dominant, the northern kingdom of Israel in existence, and 
foreign deportations begun (ix. 10, x. 6, 10, xiv. 4 sq., etc.) 
They are precisely parallel with some of the prophecies of 
Host a, and with the earlier prophecies of Isaiah, and probably 
belong to that date. Some conservative scholars, however, 
insist that they are of the same date with the first chapters of 
Zechariah. Some of the scholars of the new view date them 
as late as the third century B. C. The phenomena of the 
book are against this, and so are the considerations mentioned 
in Lect. XIV. 



ISAIAH. 125 



217. Micah. — A collection of prophecies of different dates 
before and after tiie downfall of Samaria in B. C. 718 (i. 1, 
5-6, etc.). Micali was contemporary with Isaiah, though be- 
ginning later. 



LECTURE XXVL 
Third Peeiod. Isaiah. 



218. General statements. — The book purports to be a collec^ 
tion of prophecies of different dates, uttered during four 
reigns (i. 1), Tradition says that Isaiah lived over into a fifth 
reign, and was mai tyred by Manasseh. If so, his career, 
according to the biblical numerals, covered more than 60 years ; 
it was contemporary with the last 40 years of Hosea, Micah 
being the contemporary of the two 20 years or more. If we 
follow the current interpretation of the Assyrian chronology, 
these numerals become smaller and entirely uncertain ; but the 
three prophets were in any case contemporary for some years 
before the overthrow of Samaria in B. C. 718. 

219. Isaiah i-xxxix. — a. The prophecies seem to distribute 
themselves as follows. First, introduction, reign of Manas- 
seh? (i). Second, reign of Uzziah (ii-iv, v). Third, reign of 
Jotham (vi). Fourth, early in Hezekiah's reign, but recapit- 
ulating several prophecies of the reign of Ahaz (vii-xii). 
Fifth, book of burdens (xiii-xxiii), various dates (e. g. xiv. 
28, XX. 1). Sixth, sundry prophecies, mostly in the reign of 
Hezekiah (xxiv-xxxv). Seventh, certain songs and messages 
(xxxvii. 7, 22-35, xxxviii. 10-20, xxxix. 5-7) with narrative 
explanations (xxxvi-xxxix). h. Some of the advocates of 
the new tradition crumble these prophecies into bits, and re- 
gard Isaiah the son of Amoz as the author of only a small and 
inferior portion of them (e. g. the treatment in the Polychrome 
Bible.) c. The principal proofs by which they justify this 
treatment are the following. First, certain theories of the 
evolution of religious thought ; but these count for nothing 



126 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

nnless confirmed by facts. Second, these prophecies presup- 
pose the ideas and phraseology of Deuteronomy and the 
priestly narratives of the hexateuch. These scholars hold 
that D and P were written several generations after Isaiah the 
son of Amoz, and hence infer that these prophecies were 
uttered still later. The true inference is that D and P were 
written long before Isaiah's time. Third, they say that the 
Babylonian references in these prophecies (xiii. 1, 19, xiv. 4^ 
22, xxi. 9, xxxix. 1, etc.) connect them with the times of 
Nebuchadnezzar and later. But in the time of Isaiah the son 
of Amoz, Tiglath-pilezer. Shalmanezer, Sargon and Sennache 
rib were emperors of Babylon as well as of Assyria, and Mero- 
dach-baladan of Bab3don was in revolt against this Assyrian 
dynasty. That is, Babylon was part of the time itself the 
great oppressing power, and part of the time tempting Judah 
into perilous alliances against the Assyrian oppressor. The 
Isaian allusions to Babylon fit this situation, while they re- 
quire trimming to make them fit the situation after Nebuchad- 
nezzar, d. Most of these prophetic discourses as they stand 
present each a marked literary unity ; the crumbling processes 
disregard these unities, and this is a strong argument against 
their validity. In compact discourse, unity is the product of 
original thought, not of patchwork. 

220. Isaiah xl-lxvi. — a. This is a poem, a unit made up of 
what are commonly called cantos. Some of the cantos are 
complete poems. Probably they are of different dates. It 
has been held that there are 27 of the cantos, grouped in threes 
and nines, but there is difference of judgment about this. 
Concerning the unity of the poem in its present arrangement, 
there is no real room for dispute. Its purpose is to encourage 
God's people, who are in trouble (xL 1-2.) Its theme is " The 
word of our God standeth forever" (xl. 8). Throughout the 
27 chapters it never swerves from this purpose or this theme. 
Its mode of progress is homiletical, appealing in the earlier 
parts to the intellect and the imagination, but later becoming 
personal and practical in its appeal to conscience. As a per- 
sonal appeal it increases in intensity to the end. h. Many 



SECOND PART OF ISAlAH. 127 

scholars formerly regarded it as a sustained description of the 
times of Cyrus, written a hundred and fifty years beforehand, 
by Isaiah the son of Amoz. Many now refer it to the times 
of Cyrus, and infer that it was written in those times or later. 
But there is no reason for referring it to the time of Cyrus, 
except in particular passages (e. g. xliv. 26-xlv. 7. Ixiv. 9-12). 
In most parts the situation is Palestinian, not Babylonian. 
Jerusalem is standing among her daughter cities (e. g. xl. 9). 
The calamities principally emphasized are those of recent war, 
devastation, imprisonment, personal ill treatment (e. g. xlii. 
22, 25, Ixi. 1, etc.). This fits the condition of the Jews in the 
time of Nebuchadnezzar or Sennacherib, but not of Cyrus. 
€. iimong men who assign a late date to these chapters, the 
idea that the y were written by a "second Isaiah," a "great 
unknown," has largely given way to the idea thao they are a 
patchwork of bits from many unknown authors (the poly- 
chrome bible, also Driver Int, ch. iii). d. The alleged proofs 
of late date are of the same character with those used in re- 
gard to the first half of Isaiah, and of the same weakness (Qq. 
219cd). Further, it is certain that the author of Ecclesiasticus 
attributed these chapters to Isaiah the son of Amoz (xlviii. 
24), and it is not easy to doubt that the men of the N'ew Testa- 
ment held the same opinion (Mat. iii. 3, viii. 17, xii. 17, Luke 
iii. 4. iv. 17, Jo. i. 23, xii. 38, cf. 39-41, Acts viii. 28, 30, Rom. 
X. 16, 20, 21). 

221. Conclusions. — It is not necessarily dishonoring to this 
book to hold that it was written in its present form later than 
Isaiah, or that it contains the utterances of other prophets 
than he ; but such things ought not to be held without suffi- 
cient proof. The facility with which recent scholarship leaps 
from one unproved theory to another is very confusing, and 
has mischievous effects. 



LECTURE XXYir, 
Third Peeiod. Three Minor Prophets an^d Jeremiah. 

222. Nalium. — ^A single prophecy. Josephns {Ant. IX. xi. 
3) makes Nahum a contemporary of Micah. But it is gener- 
ally held that Nahum refers (iii. 8) to the sack of Thebes by 
Asshurbanipal, B. C. 663, and that the book was written soon 
after that event. Perhaps (i. 15) in connection with the refor- 
mation under Manasseh (2 Chron. xxxiii. 13sq.), say about 
646 B. C. 

223. Habakkuk. — Two prophecies. Dated by its contents a 
little earlier than Jeremiah. 

224. Zephaniah. — One prophecy. A highly finished poem. 
Reign of Josiah (i. 1), which began 638 B. C. Its contents 
belong early in the reign. 

225. Jeremiah. — A collection of prophecies of various dates, 
Jeremiah began to prophesy the thirteenth year of Josiah (i. 
2, XXV. 3, 1), 626 B. C. He lived no one knows how long after 
the destruction of the temple in 6QQ B. C. 

226. Contents of the hook. — a. A collection of rough sketches 
of prophecies, in six parts, with a scheme of differing titles to 
separate the parts and the single prophecies (i. 4— iii. 5, iii. 6-vi, 
vii-x, xi-xiii, xiv-xvii, xviii— xx). h. Sixteen dated prophe- 
cies — not collections, but single prophecies — arranged in hap- 
hazard order (xxi-xxxvi), except that the prophecies of the re- 
turn are placed together (xxix-xxxiii). Some of these are the 
same prophecies that appear in the rough sketches, c. A con- 
tinuous narrative, including some addresses (xxxvii-xliv). d. 
Woes on the nations. A series of poems, with the little 
Baruch poem placed as prefatory (xlv-li). e. Narrative ap- 
pendix (Iii.) 

227. Reason for this arrangement. — It is certainly due to 
lack of editing, rather than to ignorant editing. Noting that 
the first twenty chapters are an older collection incorporated 
into the present one, we see that the first, third, fourth and 
fifth divisions of the book are in their natural order. The 



SOLOMON'S SONG. THE WISDOM BOOKS. 129 

collector had nothing more to do save to put the sixteen dated 
prophecies where as a whole they belong, without taking the 
trouble to arrange them more carefully. The different order 
found in the Septuagint is no improvement. 



LECTURE XXYIII. 
Third Period. Other Writings. 

228. Lamentations.- -A. series of short poems, artificially 
constructed, but fall of feeling, connected with the downfall 
of Jerusalem in 586 B. C. Attributed by the traditions to 
Jeremiah, and certainly either from him or his immediate 
disciples. 

229. Solomon's Song. — A little dramatic piece, to be ren- 
dered with singing, and perhaps with dancing (vi. 13). It has 
been principally used as an allegory of the love between Grod 
and his worshipers, but its proper motif is the excellence of 
a pure monogamic love (viii. 6-7). Many casts have been 
made of it (e. g. The lily among thorns, by Dr. W. E. Grif- 
fis, 1889). The simplest cast is the best. No characters are 
needed save a wife, a husband and the chorus. According to 
its title (i. 1), it was written either by Solomon or in the per- 
son of Solomon. It presents an ideal in contradiction with 
Solomon's experience, but perhaps that is an argument in 
favor of his having written it. The tradition (Qu. 29) attrib- 
utes it to the men of Hezekiah. 

230. Psalms of the third period. — To mention only a single 
group, several of the psalms of Korah, for example, seem by 
their contents to belong to the times of Jehoshaphat, or of 
Hezekiah (xlv, xlii, xliv, etc., compared with 2 Chron. xx. 19, 
xxix. 13, 14). 

231. The wisdom books. — Proverbs, Job, Ecclesiastes. In 
the secondary sacred literature these are followed by Ecclesi- 
asticus. Wisdom of Solomon, and other lesser works. The 
"wise men" differ from the prophets, though a man might 



IBO OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

be both prophet and wise man The wisdom literature con- 
nects itself peculiarly with Solomon. Hokmah, wisdom, as 
defined by an induction of instances, is knowledge and good 
sense and discipline applied in the conduct of life. 

232. Proverbs. — The book is in six parts, each introduced 
by a title (i. 1, x. 1, xxiv. 23, xxv. 1, xxx. 1, xxxi. 1). The wise 
sayings in it come predominantly, but not exclusively, from 
Solomon. The tradition (Qu. 29) attributes the book to the 
men of Hezekiah. 

233. Job. -Like Proverbs in being a wisdom book, but un- 
like Proverbs in that it is a connected poem, commonly spoken 
of as an epic. The scene is laid out of Israel, and, apparently 
in a time earlier than the history of Israel. This perhaps ac- 
counts for the tradition (Qu. 29) attributing it to Moses. It 
has strong literary affiliations with Proverbs, and is now com- 
monly assigned to the same date with that book or a little 
later. Of course there are men who date both after the exile. 
Professor Genung's book oa Job is an appreciative literary 
treatment. 

234. Alleged interpolations. -^Cevtsim critics confidently al- 
lege the existence of interpolated passages in substantially all 
these writings, the speeches of Elihu, for example, in Job, 
and generally, the passages that seem to be predictions, or 
that mention certain of the hexateuchal institutions. Gen- 
erally speaking these allegations have relatively little weight 
with one who holds to the early origin of the hexateuch, and 
to the possibility of miraculous prediction. If we accept the 
criteria by which these interpolations are made out, they 
prove that all the extant w^ritings of an entire national litera- 
ture have been reworked, which is not very probable. It is 
more likely that the alleged criteria are mere characteristic 
peculiarities of the literature itself. 

235. Canon of the men of Hezekiah. — They are mentioned 
in Proverbs (xxv. 1) and in the traditions (e. g. Qu. 29) as hav- 
ing done something important in the production of the scrip- 
tures. Beyond this we have no information concerning them. 
We naturally think of them as under the leadership of Isaiah, 



FOURTH PERIOD. 131 



and as furnishing their quota of martyrs in the time of Ma- 
nasseh (2 Ki. xxi. 16). They may have recognized an aggre- 
gate of sacred writings including that known to Nathan 
(Qus. 171, 204), augmented by the writings of Isaiah and the 
earlier minor prophets, and by Solomon's Song, Proverbs and 
Job. There is no absurdity in supposing that the ''book of 
the law " found in the temple a few decades later, in Josiah's 
time (2 Ki. xxii. 8 sq.), was this aggregate as recognized by 
the men of Hezekiah, though we have no means of proving 
that it was. Whether it was this larger aggregate or the 
hexateuch or the pentateuch or Deuteronomy or some part 
of Deuteronomy, there is no reason for affirming that it w^as 
the only copy in existence ; though it is likely that Manasseh 
had done his utmost to destroy copies of the law. 

236. Canon of Jeremiah. — The aggregate of sacred writings 
recognized at the time of the death of Jeremiah, by the Jews 
of the exile (cf. Dan. ix. 2 and Qu. 132), may have included 
the above, together with the bo^jks of Kings, Nahum, Habak- 
knk, Zephaniah, Jeremiah and Lamentations. 



LECTURE XXIX. 

Scripture Weitiis^gs of the Fourth Period. The History. 

237. The Historical Series. — 1 and 2 Chronicles, with Ezra 
and Nehemiah. Not necessarily by one author, but forming 
one series. Repeating the history contained in the previous 
books, and bringing it up to the close of the biblical period. 
Omitting most of what the books of Samuel and Kings say 
concerning Saul, concerning the faults of David and Solomon, 
and concerning the northern kingdom ; adding much matter 
concerning genealogies, the public worship, the priests, etc. 
This history might be called priestly and Judaic, and the 
books of Kings and Samuel, Israelite and prophetic. State 
contents, in the following sections, mentioning instances where 
they illustrate the distinctive character of this series of writ- 



183 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 



tings : 1 Chron. i-ix, x-xxi, xxii-xxix, 2 Chron. i-ix, x-xvi, 
xvii-xxii, xxiii-xxviii, xxix-xxxiii, xxxiv-xxxvi, Ezra, 
Nehemiah. 

238. Who wrote Chronicles, Ezra and Neheiniah f — As we 
have seen, the latest events recorded in the Old Testament 
happened within the probable lifetime of Nehemiah (Qus. 95, 
96, 97). Coupling this with the evident unity of the work, 
and with the fact that the deeds of Ezra and Nehemiah are 
often related in the first person (Ezra viii. 15, etc., Neh. i. 1, 
etc.), we may conclude that this work was written by Ezra and 
Nehemiah, or under their influence. Other evidence confirms 
this. It is a convenient device, however, to call the author or 
authors of this series "the Chronicler." 

239. Historical trustivortliiness of the Chronicler. — Many 
impugn it, alleging the following reasons, a. That these 
books, especially Chronicles, have been less carefully pre- 
served than some of the other books. The fact is admitted (e. 
g. "Jehoahaz," "forty-two," xxi. 17, xxii. 2), but not to the 
extent of its greatly impairing their credibility, h. That the 
Chronicles were written many centuries after most of the 
events they record. But though this might account for their 
untrustworthiness, if that were proved, it does not prove them 
untrustworthy, c. That the writers of Chronicles, to a greater 
extent than the others, show a disposition to preach — stating 
the facts for the purpose of influencing men, rather than for 
the sake of the facts themselves. Admitted ; but a man may 
state facts correctly, even when he preaches, d. That the 
books of Chronicles abound in incredible statements, and in 
statements that contradict those of Samuel and Kings. But 
in general the instances are capable of denial, or of sntisfac- 
tory explanation, e. That many of these instances are most 
naturally to be explained as the result of prejudice on the 
part of the authors of Chronicles. But this allegation cannot 
be sustained, though some of the instances are quite plausible. 
/. That the authors had no ancient sources save the writings 
now found in our bibles ; so that whatever statements they 
make in addition to those found in the earlier books must be 



IS THE CHRONICLER A HISTORIAN? 1B3 

regarded as merely the expression of their opinions. But if 
this were true, it would still be also true that their opinions 
might be correct, and, further, that their being inspired might 
give special value to their opinions. See also next question. 
240. The sources used by the Chronicler. — a. In regard to 
Nehemiah's library, see Qus. Ill, 137. b. It is to be admitted 
that the first nine chapters of Chronicles may have been 
mostly (not entirely, e. g. iv. 9-10) gathered from the older 
parts of the bible ; that x-xxi are made up of transcriptions, 
slightly abbreviated, of parts of 1 and 2 Samuel, with consid- 
erable sections of additional matter ; that xxii-xxix are mostly 
new matter ; that 2 Chronicles is made up of transcriptions 
from Kings, with added materials, c. It is correct to go as 
far as possible in identifying the books of Kings, Samuel, N'a- 
than. Gad, Ahijah, etc., mentioned in Chronicles, with our 
present books of Samuel and Kings (Qus. 137, 138, 207). d. 
But many of the writings referred to cannot be thus identified. 
Among these are writings of the times of David (2 Chron. 
XXXV. 4, 1 Chron. xxiii. 27, xxiv, 6, xxvii. 24, Ezra vi. 18 [cf. 1 
Chron. xxiv-xxvi] and 2 Chron. xxix. 25, xxxv. 15, 1 Chron. 
ix. 22, xxvi. 28); genealogical writings (2 Chron. xii. 15, 1 
Chron, ix. 1); the two midr' shim (2 Chron. xiii. 22, xxiv. 27); 
'' The Words of the Kings of Israel," " The AVords of Hosai," 
''The Lamentations," (2 Chron. xxxiii. 18, 19, xxxv. 25). 
From these works the author of Chronicles may have drawn 
most of the statements which he has added to the history as 
as given in Samuel and Kings. And it is unscientific to as- 
sume that none of these sources were ancient or trustworthy. 
e. As a rule the Hebrew of the added sections is, linguistic 
cally, the late Hebrew of the times when the Chronicles were 
written ; but this does not necessarily prove that there were 
no ancient sources for these sections ; it may be that the au- 
thor treated his sacred sources mainly by transcription, but 
other sources mainly by rewriting the facts. /. On the whole 
we must conclude that the Chronicler, having sources of in- 
formation no longer accessible, is thereby entitled to respect, 
both in regard to the facts he states and in regard to his in* 
terpretation of facts. 



LECTURE XXX. 

Fourth Period. Other Writings. 

2'41. The list.-— Fonv books of prophets; Ecclesiastes, Es- 
ther, Daniel, some psalms ; possibly Jonah (Qu. 213). 

242. Ezekiel. — A collection of prophecies, mostly dated, ad- 
dressed to Jews in exile in Babylonia, before and after the 
destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar. Mostly not 
later than parts of Jeremiah and Kings, but not Palestinian 
like them. State the nature of the contents of i-xxxix, 
mainly homiietic, and of xl-xlviii, mainly apocalyptic. B. C. 
593 till after 570 (i, 2, xxix. 17)' 

243. Haggai. — Five rough and brief syllabi of prophecies 
addressed to the returned exiles who were building the tem- 
ple, August to December, B. C. 520 (i. 1-11, 12-15, ii. 1-9, 10- 
19, 20-23). 

244. Zechariah.^a. First part. Three prophecies, dated 
respectively 520, 519 and 517 B. C. (i. 1-6, i. 7-vi, vii-viii). 6, 
Second part. Two prophecies very different from the former 
(ix-xi, xii-xiv). See Qu. 216. 

245. Malachi. — A full and careful syllabus of a prophetic 
address. Shown by its contents to belong not far from the 
beginning of the second administration of Nehemiah (Neh. 
xii. 27-xiii), after B. C. 433. 

246. Ecclesiastes. — A discussion of the doctrines of materia- 
listic pessimism. The writer speaks in the person of the 
Koheleth or Preacher (i. 1, etc). The Koheleth is either Solo- 
mon, or a composite figure whose traits are mostly those of 
Solomon. But, on linguistic grounds, most scholars now re- 
gard this book as one of the very latest in the Old Testament. 
The tradition (Qu. 29) attributes it to the men of Hezekiah. 
If there were proof that Solomon wrote it, its form might per- 
haps be accounted for by some theory of translation from the 
Aramaic (Qu. 122). 

247. Esther.^ A. story illustrating the workings of provi- 
dence. Its events are dated between 483 and 473 B. C, and a 



THE SCRIPTURES OF NEHEMIAB. 135 

little later (i. 3, ill. 7, 13, etc.). There is no reason for dating 
the book more than two generations later (Qu. 124). 

248. Daniel. — a. This book contains, first, a narrative frame- 
work (i. and the adjustment of the parts); second, five stories 
(ii, iii, iv, v, vi) ; third, four apocalyptic visions (vii, viii, ix, 
x-xii). b. The historical person Daniel (Ezek. xiv. 14, 20, 
xxviii. 3) had a career extending from B. C. 605 (Dan. i. 1) to 

B. C. 536 (i. 21, X. 1), or later. TJae book of Daniel has liter- 
ary affiliations with the work of the Chronicler, about 400 B. 

C. (Qu. 127). 

249. Exilian and postexilian psalms. — Of these there are a 
good many (e. g. cxxxvii, Ixxviii, perhaps cxlvi-cl, etc ). 
See Qu. 199. 

250. Two notable classes of scriptural turi tings. — a. The 
providential wonder stories, Jonah, Esther and the stories in 
Dan. ii-vi. In each, one or a few Israelites, with Yahweh to 
help, is pitted against the world empire of his time, and comes 
out victorious. 6. Apocalyptic writings, giving a somewhat 
connected disclosure of future events, through symbols that 
are described somewhat in detail. The most noted apoca- 
lypses are in Ezek. xl-xlviii and Dan. ii. 31-45 and vii-xii. 

251. The canon of Nehemiah. — Apparently the scriptural 
aggregate recognized at the time of his death was the same 
with our Old Testament. Not that all work on the scriptures 
ceased at that time There still remained open a work of 
identifying and arranging, and critical work of all sorts. But 
the aggregate was complete when the 150 psalms were differ- 
entiated, and the last of the other books written. It then ex- 
isted, and had for hundreds of years existed, as a growing 
body of sacred literature, capable of being described as the 
law, the prophets, and the other writings. In this sense, cer- 
tain men completed the Old Testament and closed its canon. 
Whether they closed it in the different sense of official defini- 
tion and promulgation, is a very different question. (Qus, 
133, 134). 



LECTURE XXXL 
The Text of the Old Testamei^tt. 

252. Preexdian text. — a. Before the exile, the Phoenician or 
oJd Hebrew character was used in Isrelitish writing. The 
present ""square " character was perhaps formed gradually. It 
is found in inscriptions of 176 B. C, and no one knows how 
much earlier (Mitchell's Ges. Heb. Gram., sees. 1-5). The old 
character is found on the Maccabsean coins, and later on the 
coins of Bar-Cocheba, the second century A. D. The Samar- 
itan pentateuch is in the old alphabet, b. The traditions s^ay 
that the change to the square alphabet, in the writing of script- 
ure, was made by Ezra, that is to say, was made before the 
death of Nehemiah. This cannot now be proved, though it 
is not disproved, as the writers in Smith's Bible Dictionary 
hold it to be, by the fact that the old character was used later 
on coins. 

253. Text of the men of the great synagogue. — a. They left 
the scripture written in consonants and matres lectionis, with- 
out vowels (Smith's 5^6.JD^c. " Old Testament" A. 1). b. There 
is no evidence that it was ever customary to use abbreviations, 
or to use letters for numerals, in the text of carefully written 
copies, though these usages are found on the earlier coins 
and elsewhere, c. Words were written separately, not togeth- 
er as in the Greek uncial MSS. In the old alphabet, the 
separation w^as made by points (see Moabite stone, or Samar- 
itan pentateuch). d. The separation into 39 books is, I believe, 
a part of the original text. The 22 or 24 books are formed by 
grouping the 39, and not the 39 by dividing some of the 22. 

254. Later modifications.— -a. A division into verses, perhaps 
differing somewhat from ours, is very ancient (Smith's Bib. 
Die. "Old Testament" A. 1). b. The division of the penta- 
teuch into the 54 parshioth, or Sabbath lessons, preceded the 
selection of the haphtaroth, the synagogue lessons from the 
prophets, since the latter are based on the former. Whether 
the division into lessons preceded the Christian era is uncertain. 



OLD TESTAMENT TEXT CRITICISM. 137 

The New Testament mentions the reading in the sjmagogiies, 
but is silent as to a cycle of lessons (Luke iv. 17, Acts xiii. 15, 
XV. 21, 2 Cor. iii. 14). It cites books by name, and the psalms 
by number (Acts xiii. 33, 35), but beyond this cites the Old 
Testament by subjects, rather than by artificial divisions (Mark 
xii. 26, Luke xx. 37 [evrl r^? 8dTov\ Rom. xi. 2 \iv 'HXeta], 
Acts viii. 32 [?? irepioxr} rrj<^ rypa(f)ri^]). c. The present chapter 
division was made by Christians about 1250 A. D. An older 
division is that into s^darim and into the little parsMoth now 
marked by Samekh or Pe (Baer-Delitzsch Genesis, page 92, 
etc.). d. The present system of writing the vowels dates from 
the sixth century of the Christian era, or later. The accent 
system is later than the vowel system. The Masoretic notes 
and accessories date from the Tanaite times to the ninth or 
tenth centures after Christ. Some of the notes in the printed 
bibles are yet later. 

See Ginsburg Introduction to the Hebrew Bible, and Green 
Introduction, vols. I and II. 



LECTURE XXXII. 
Old Testament Text Criticism. 

255. Supposable results. A complete study of this subject 
may supposably lead to any one of three results : first, that 
the existing Masoretic text is satisfactory ; or, second, that it 
is unsatisfactory, but incapable of being materially improved ; 
or, third, that it can be amended and ought to be. 

256. Sources of Old Testament text criticism. — They may be 
classified as follows : 

A. Documents. I. Hebrew copies : 1. Copies with the 
Masoretic text, whether voweled or unvoweled ; a. Printed. 
b. Synagogue rolls, c. Other copies. 2. Non-Masoretic 
copies — the Samaritan text of the pentateuch, and a few 
fragmentary or doubtful MSS. II. Translations, especially : 
a. The Septuagint and other early Greek versons. b. Tar- 



1^8 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

gums. c. Old Latin, and Vulgate, d. S^-riac. e. Samaritan 
version. III. Citations and statements found in other wri- 
tings, especially : a. Tlie New Testament and earlier writings. 
b. Masora. c. Origen's Hexapla. d. Midrash, using the 
term in wide meaning, e. Patristic writings. Read articles 
on "Versions," and on the several terms used in this list. 

B. Conjecture. Read up on the subject of conjecture in 
text criticism, in some work on New Testament criticism. 

257. Ttoo periods in the history of the text. — In the existing 
state of opinion, it will be useful provisionally to distinguish 
two stages in the transmission of the Hebrew text of the Old 
Testament : a. The period of the established text, variously 
dated as beginning from 100 to 400 A. D. ; a period of abun- 
dant external evidence, h. The period of alleged uncertain 
text, closing where the other begins ; the external evidence 
becomes less and less as we go back from 400 A. D. 

258. The period of tlie established text. — Within it the con- 
sonant text has been preserved unchanged, but the written 
vowels and accents have been added. 

259. Tlie lateness of the written points. — Is this an element 
of weakness in the Masoretic text ? a. As a matter of fact, 
the actual questions in dispute concerning the text depend 
only in a slight degree upon the vowels, b. The way in which 
proper names aud other words are transliterated into Greek 
shows variations in the phonetic values of the points, but 
seldom any in their grammatical values, c. Even if the vocal 
ization were admitted to be merely conjectural, the mere fact 
that the writings make sense would prove that the vowels 
were, in general, correct ; the evidence in their favor would 
be considerably stronger, for example, than in the case of the 
Assyrian literature. 

260. The vowel points not conjectural. — There is proof, how- 
ever that the vowels were handed down by tradition, a. There 
is no absurdity in the supposition that men were trained to 
read correctly, while the vowels were unwritten, b. The 
Jewish and Christian traditions affirm that the vowels were 
actually handed down in oral reading, c. Any system of con 



TEXTUS RECEPTUS OF THE HEBREW BIBLE. 139 

jectural vocalization must have followed its rules with 
something like mechanical exactness ; the existing system 
does not , evidently the rules are generalizations from the 
instances, and the actual written vowels preceded the formu- 
lating of the rules. 

261. A genuine textus receptus. — It is beyond dispute that 
during the period of the established text, the Hebrew Old 
Testament has been handed down with remarkable and scru- 
pulous care. This might, be illustrated : a. From the notes of 
the ordinary Hebrew bibles : The K'thib and Q'ri ; the char- 
acter of the variant readings marked Nun Aleph ; the letters 
that are annotated because they are too large, or too small, 
or suspended, or the vowels that violate the ordinary usage 
of the pause accent ; the enumeration of verses, letters, middle 
verses, etc., at the end of the books, h. From the rules for 
writing MSS., as mentioned in books of reference, c. From 
the contents of the Masora. d. From the results of the colla- 
tion of existing Hebrew copies. See accounts of the work of 
Kennicott and DeRossi. Or compare the Baer-Delitzsch or 
Ginsburg texts with other Hebrew texts. 

262. Variant readings between Hebrew bibles. — They are 
mostly confined to the accents, and seldom affect the mean- 
ing, even to the smallest degree. The Baer-Delitzsch texts 
differ much less from the well printed Hebrew bibles that are 
least like them than the Westcott and Hort text from the 
Greek text that is most like it. Perhaps no two editions of 
the so-called textus receptus of the New Testament can be 
found that differ so little as the two well printed Hebrew 
bibles that differ most. 

What is true of the Masoretic copies is true, though less 
exactly, of all the other documentary evidence for the period 
of the established text. And while these statements hold, in 
the strictest sense, only of the consonant text, they are yet 
pretty minutely true of the text as now voweled and accented. 
The results thus reached go back to a time many generations 
before our present system of written vowels. 

263. Relative importance of conjectural criticism. — It is 



140 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 



sometimes said that conjecture is relatively more important 
in Old Testament text criticism than in the case of the New 
Testament, and also that the versions are more important, 
relatively to the copies in the original, than in the case of 
other works. There may be a sense in which these statements 
are true ; but we should remember that conjectures or trans 
lations have no more actual value as evidence, and that we 
have no more right to accept unproved conclusions, in this 
case than in other cases. 



LECTURE XXXIII. 
Text Criticism. Earlier Period. 

264. The eoHier period of the text. — Did the Old Testa- 
ment, prior to the existence of the present established text, 
pass through a period when the text was fluctuating, uncertain 
and affected by actual corruptions ? It may be conceded that 
the presumption at the outset favors the affirmative, inasmuch 
as most ancient writings have been thus affected. In support 
of this presumption several considerations are urged. 

265. Documentary evidence for the text. — This is scarce for 
the time before Origen. But the fact has no great weight. 
If the evidence abounded, presumably it would corroborate 
the Masoretic text, as does the evidence of the time of Origen 
and later. 

2Q^. Charges made by the Christian fathers. — Some of them 
say that the Jews corrupted the Hebrew text, in order to rid 
it of Christian doctrine. But scholars, like Origen and Jerome, 
evidently took no stock in these charges, and wherever they 
are made specific, they are clearly mistaken. 

267. The duplicated passages.— Mnch is made of the differ- 
ences of text in these (e. g. 2 Sam. xxii. and Ps. xviii, or the 
parts in which Chronicles repeats Samuel and Kings). But to 
a large extent, at least, these changes are evidently editorial, 
and not transcriptional. It is difficult to prove that any of 



SOURCES FOR TEXT CRITICISM. 141 

them have been made since the later of the two duplicates was 
written. The fact that the differences have been maintained, 
in spite of the natural tendency to assimilate the passages, is 
proof of care on the part of the copyists. 

268. Proof from the Septuagint. —This is regarded as strong- 
est of all. It is asserted that the Greek differs so from the He- 
brew as to show^ that the translators must have had a Hebrew 
text differing greatly from ours. But : a. The oldest copies 
of the Septuagint we have are younger than the establishment 
of the present Masoretic text, even according to the views of 
those who date this text latest, h. The copies of the Greek Old 
Testament vary among themselves even more than is usual with 
Greek texts ; it is known that the copies have so varied since 
before the times of Origen. The text of the Septuagint is less 
well ascertained than almost any other text connected with the 
scriptures, c. No une disputes that the translators, prior 
to all transmissional changes that have come into the present 
Greek text, bad freely admitted uncritical elements into their 
translation work, d. It would be a mistake to infer from this, 
as many do, that the Septuagint is of no valu^, or of small 
value, for determining the text of the Old Testament ; it is a 
still greater mistake to treat it as if it had about the same 
value with the Masoretic Hebrew. As compared with the 
latter, it is the testimony of a witness habitually ill informed 
and careless, beside that of a witness remarkably well in- 
formed and careful. 

269. New testament quotations. — It is further alleged that 
the New Testament writers quote prevailingly from the Sep- 
tuagint, and that this shows that they regarded the Septuagint 
text as superior to the Hebrew. The fact is admitted, but the 
inference does not follow. Where an author uses both the 
original and a translation, as the New Testament writers do, 
he must be regarded as counting the original the more author- 
itative unless he explicitly says the contrary. This the New 
Testament writers do not do ; they do the very opposite, for 
they sometimes, apparently, correct their Greek text by the 
Hebrew. 



142 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 



270. Conjectural criticism. — Various points are made. See- 
Lecture XXXIY. 

271. Arguments against the theory of a corrupted text. — Of 
these two have decisive weight : that from the peculiar history 
of the Hebrew text, and the arguments from silence. 

272. Argument from the history of the text.— a. From the 
time of Origen, the consonant text af the Masoretes has been 
a genuine textus receptus of the Hebrew Old Testament, pre- 
served with no important variations ; up to the last century, 
there were no such texts of G-reek writings. As thi^ state of 
things can be traced back for some thirteen or fourteen 
centuries, there is no improbability that we should be able to 
trace it a few centuries further, if w-e had the marks to trace 
it by, />. The claim has steadily been made that this textus 
receptus dates from the times when the old Testament books 
were written; this claim, of course, being modified by the 
admitted fact of the change of alphabet, in Ezra's time or 
later, c. In the time when the Septuagint translation was 
planned, we tind, apparently, traces of a remarkable care used 
in the preservation ol the sacred text (Qu. 81). 

273. Arguments from silence.— The absence of all traces of 
pre-Masoretic Hebrew texts essentially differing from the 
Masoretic ; and the absence of historical notices of any 
change in the manner of transmitting the Old Testament. 
a. From some time before the Christian era, there were 
cojiies of the whole or of parts of the Old Testament, in the 
hands of Jews and of others, in many parts of the earth. 
From the time when Christianity began to spread, copies were 
numerous, in the hbnds of Jews, Gentiles, and Christians, and 
were constantly studied and appealed to, as authority in re- 
ligious discussions, h. In the cijcumstances, the Masoretic 
text could not have been differentiated, at any time between 
the translation of the Septuagint and the third century A. D , 
without attracting attention and causing discussion. If a 
radical change in the mode of handing down the Old Testa- 
ment, involving the acceptance of certain copies, and the 
discrediting of all other copies, had then been made, it is 



CONJECTURAL CRITICISM. 143 

incredible but that some account of it would have survived ; 
it is also incredible but that some copies of the older forms of 
the text would have €ome down to us. But no one claims that 
there are any traces of any such account, or of the existence 
of any such text. c. In proof that it was possible thus to in- 
troduce an official text of the Old Testament, and extirpate 
all copies taken from other texts, it is customary to cite the 
official text of the Koran, made by the order of caliph Othman 
about 650 A. D. But the analog}'^ utterly fails in two essen- 
tial points. First, there were then but few copies of the Koran, 
all within a relatively narrow region and in the hands of one 
religious sect, and the caliph who made the change was the 
despotic head of the sect. Secondly, it attracted attention, 
and an account of it was handed down. 



LECTURE XXXIY. 
Text Criticism. Rules for Conjecture. 

274. Certain principles.— ~a. The leading rule for all textual 
•criticism is that the testimony of existing transcriptions is, 
where it exists, the best evidence for the text of a document. 
h. Among subordinate principles, the most important is that 
contained in the rule ; That reading is to be preferred which 
best accounts for all other readings. 

275. Difficult readings. — A reading is sometimes to be pre- 
ferred because it removes a difficulty ; but this rule mast be 
limited by another : Where variations are likely to have been 
made by design, the more difficult reading is probably the 
original reading, a. A construction that involves barbarisms 
of language, or false syntax, or a nonsensical or a false mean- 
ing, may be the result of carelessness in copying, and it may 
supposably be possible to identify and correct the error, h. 
The fact that a passage, as it stands, is in conflict with some 
critical theory, is commonly a reason for mending the theory 
rather than for mending the text. c. The fact that a passage 



144 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 

in verse fails to meet the requirements of some theory of 
Hebrew metre might justify us in making emendations, pro- 
vided only a few sucli emendations were required. If a large 
percentage of the existing lines fail to fit the theory, it is the 
theory that needs emendation, d. In many cases it is more 
credible that the original writer should have committed bar- 
barisms, than that these should have come in by the agency of 
copyists. In such writings as those in the Old Testament, if 
there were no literary infelicities, that very circumstance 
w^ould create a suspicion that blunders had been removed by 
editing. 

276. Fulley^ and briefer readings. — The rule that the briefer 
reading is to be preferred is greatly overworked, when applied 
to the Old Testament, a. This rule is, of course, absolute, 
as favoring all that the briefer reading contains in common 
with the longer, h. As a rule for excluding what is not in 
the briefer reading, or for preferring the details of the briefer 
reading where these diifer from those of the longer reading, 
the rule applies only where there is some reason for thinking 
that the copyist has lengthened the text, as for instance, 
where the longer text is magniloquent, or where the difference 
consists in the repetition of a familiar phrase, found elsewhere 
in a similar connection (e. g. Matt. xx. 16, 22, 23, cf. xxii. 14, 
Mc. X. 38, 39); or where a gloss has apparently been incorpora- 
ted into the text ; or where there is an evident theological (or 
other) motive for the enlargement, c. On the other hand, a 
copyist may supposably omit, by design or through careless- 
ness ; he is especially likely to do this, if he writes from memo- 
ry or from dictation. The longer text is probably the true text, 
when it is marked by genuine poetic or religious feeling, or by 
poetic delicacy ; for the outspinning copyist is seldom a true 
poet. The longer text is the original when the shorter bears 
the marks of systematic abbreviation, made in the interest of 
fluency, as in most of the duplicate passages in Chronicles. 

277. Result. — Many statements to the contrary notwith- 
standing, the Masoretic Hebrew text is of the highest char- 
acter, as compared with the other best known texts of ancient 



QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW. 145 

writings. In the present condition of thought, it would be 
well to consider with care every proposed emendation ; but 
the emendations rhat have any real claim to be accepted are 
very few. 



Questions for Review. 

1. State and define the subject of these Studies. 

2. Inspiration as related to the present investigation? 

3. Mention the sources, principal and supplementary. 

4. a. Distinguish between evidence from testimony and evidence from criti- 
cal phenomena. P. What is evidence from historical allusion? 

5. Give the rule touching the validity of testimony. 

7. Should we start by asserting the minute historical truthfulness of the bible ? 
Give reasons. 

8. Should we start by asserting its lack of truthfulness ? Give reasons. 

9. Explain the point of view of provisional historicity. 

10. How extensive is the early Jewish and Christian literature? 

11. Give some account of Maimonides. 

12. a. Explain the term midrash. b. The term sopherim. 

13. Classify the Jewish secondary sacred writings chronologically. 

14. Explain the terms Tanaim, Mislina, Gemara, Amoraim, Talmud. 

15. Classify the Jewish secondary sacred writings geographically. 

16. Explain the terms halaka and ha^ada. 

17. Give the literary classification, mentioning the principal works.. 

18. Speak of the Christian fathers as sources on the Old Testament. 

20. ClavSsify the Old Testament books as in the Hebrew bibles. 

21. Speak of the numbers 24 and 22 in this classification. 

22. What is meant by calling these books a canon ? 

23. Mention some facts that do not invalidate canonicity. 

25. Speak of two uses of the term " law " in the New Testament. 

26. a. Derive the noun torah and its cognate verb. b. What kind of in- 
struction do they denote ? c. The source from which torah comes ? d. Speak 
of torah as oral or written, e. Mention four syntactical uses of the noun, f. 
Speak of the written law, and the date when it began. 

27. Speak of the law as a growing aggregate. 

29. Give the substance of the testimony of the Baba-batra concerning the 
Old Testament. The date of this testimony ? 

30. How far can we infer the early contents of the Old Testament from its 
present contents ? 

31. Give the substance of the testimony of Jerome. Its date? 

32. Speak of other Christian lists of the fourth century A. D. 



146 QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW. 

33. Speak of the testimony of the great manuscripts. 

34. a. What was the Jewish bible of the fourth century ? d. The confusion 
made in some translations ? c. The Christian use of secondary books ? d. 
Was there an Alexandrian canon differing from the Palestinian ? 

35. State the testimony of Victorinus of Pettau. 

36. Give the substance of the testimony of Origen. 

37. a. Prove that Origen does not include the books of Maccabees in the 
scriptures, d. Prove that he includes the minor prophets, c. What were his 
books of Ezra, first and second? d. What of " the epistle", as mentioned in 
the list? e. The books. of the Old Testament, according to Origen? /. Does 
his use of some of the apocrypha prove that he regarded them as primary 
sacred writings ? 

38. Speak of translations of the Old Testament before 200 A. D. 

39. Give the substance of the testimony of Melito. 

40. That of the preface to 2 Esdras. 

41. That of the traditions concerning the copying of the books. 

43. That concerning " outside books." 

44. That of passages concerning books that " make the hands unclean." 

45. That concerning books that were to be " stored away." 

46. a. What use did these men make of the books they speak of as disputed ? 
3. What conclusion did they reach as to the canonicity of each of our Old 
Testament books ? c. What did they hold as to the time when these books be- 
came canonical? 

47. Give the substance of the passage from 2 Esdras xiv. 

48. Give the substance of the passage from Josephus. 

49. Compare his threefold division with that of the Baba-batra. 

50. Of what consisted the Old Testament aggregate in the first century 
A. D.? 

51. Speak of the terms " scripture " and " written " in the New Testament. 

52. By what means may we identify the " scriptures" mentioned in the New 
Testament ? 

53. Prove that their scriptures were in three languages. 

54. Prove that their scriptures were in separate books. 

55. Speak of their classification of the books. 

56. Prove that they regarded the scriptures as a definite aggregate. 

57. What books were included m their scriptures? 

58. a. .Tell what Philo says about three classes of sacred writings, d. Speak 
of his use of the Old Testament writings, c. The earliest known mention of 
the books of the law as five ? 

60. Give the substance of the statement in the prologue to Ecclesiasticus. 

61. Give the substance of the testimony of the book of Ecclesiasticus. 

62. What was the scriptural aggregate as known to Ben-sira? 

63. The order of the processes of arranging the sacred aggregate ? 

64. a. Does the Old Testament consist of three successive canons? d. Was 
it after Ben-sira that the hagiographa were first regarded as sacred ? c. Was 
there an Alexandrian Jewish canon different from our present canon ? d. In 



QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW. 147 

the time of Christ and earlier were the other scriptures regarded as inferior to 
the pentateuch ? 

67. Give dates for the contact of Israel with the Greeks. 

68. Speak of Israel in the latest Persian reigns. 

69. Give some account of Alexandria. 

70. Of Antioch on the Orontes. 

71. Of other geographical points of contact. 

72. Explain the term " the era of the Greeks." 

73. Give some account of the Maccabaean wars. 

74. a. Describe the noble Hellenizing tendency, d. The ignoble Hellenizing 
tendency, c. The Judaizing tendency, d. The liberal Jewish tendency. 

76. Tell the Aristaean story of the Septuagint. 

77. Speak of information from other sources, touching the Septuagint. 

78. How far are these accounts historical i 

79. Prove that the translation was not made by Palestinian Jews. 

80. a. Was there a plan for putting these books in the Alexandrian library ? 

b. What other motives were there for the translation ? 

81. a. Do the traditions say that the library obtained a translation? or a 
transcription ? or both ? b. What is the reason assigned for sending to Jerusalem 
for a copy ? c. What part may the Jerusalem Jews have had in the matter ? 
d. What nucleus is there for the stories of miracle that arose in later times ? 

82. Speak of previous translation work, and the use made of it. 

83. Speak of the character of the text used. 

84. Speak of the time occupied in making the translation, and the order m 
which the books were translated. 

85. Prove that the plan concerned a well known aggregate of books, much 
more extensive than the pentateuch. 

86. a. Give the substance of Maimonides' statement concernmg the men of 
the great Synagogue, b. Of those of the rabbis cited by Buxtorf and Schickard. 

c. Of that of the Pirke A both. d. Of other passages. 

87. Speak of Ezra as represented in these traditions. 

88. Speak of Simon the just as represented in these traditions. 

89. Speak of the great Synagogue as an organization. 

90. Speak of the men of the great Synagogue. 

93. Mention the four groups of postexilian events. 

94. Give an account of the Samaritan schism. 

95. Speak of the latest event of the biblical narrative. 

96. Of the latest event in the genealogical notes. 

97. a. Give the specifications by which this event is dated, b. What are the 
limits ^f date ? c. Prove that this date was about 400 B. C. d. Prove that the 
Darius here mentioned is Darius Nothus. e. How is the enrollment of Jaddua 
to be explained? /. How do the: e dates compare with the lifetime of 
Nehemiah ? 

98. Mention the date of Simon the just and give proof. 

99. The date of Ecclesiasticus, giving reasons. 

100. What was the status of the Old Testament about 400 A. D.? 



148 QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW. 

loi. Give proofs that the " book of the law " of Nehemiah's time was a larger 
aggregate than the pentateuch. 

103. Prove the antiquity of the Old Testament from its linguistic character. 

104. The argument for date, from Persian and Greek marks? 

105. The proof of date from the latest events recorded ? 

106. The proof from the comparing of the canonical books with others ? 

107. Show that Joseph us dates the complete Old Testament about 400 B. C. 

108. Show that the Baba batra gives the same date. 

lOQ. Mention traditions concerning Ezra, giving the same date. 

no. Give similar traditions concerning the men of the great Synagogue. 

111. Give the substance of the passage in the letter of Judas in 2 Maccabees. 
a. Show that it makes Johanan contemporary with Nehemiah. b. Under 
what title does it cite matters now found in Chronicles? c. Compare the 
library it describes with the one used by the Chronicler. 

112. What proof from the Septuagint as to the date when the Old Testament 
was completed ? 

113. What proof from the book of Ecclesiasticus ? 

114. What proof from the traditions concerning Ecclesiasticus? 

115. From the traditions concerning the cessation of prophecy ? 

116. From such terms as Mishna, Masora, Tanaim, etc.? 

117. Give an argument from silence. 

119. What strength of evidence is needed to prove that some Old Testament 
books were written later than Nehemiah ? 

120. Show that the threefold division of the Old Testament affords no basis 
for arguing the late date of some of the bopks. 

121. Show that the date 400 B. C, is more probable than 250 B. C. 

122. Give reasons for and against dating Ecclesiastes later than the life of 
Nehemiah. 

123. Give like reasons in the case of Solomon's Song. 

124. Give like reasons in the case of Esther. 

125. a. Show that the Maccabaean times were not favorable to literary pro- 
duction, b. Speak of the book of the law in the Maccabaean times, c. Speak 
of the known literary works of those times. 

126. Show the improbability of scripture writing in the Maccabaean times. 

127. Give the reasons that decide the question of the date of Daniel. 

128. Speak of the question of a Maccabaean origin for some of the psalms. 

130. Classify the Old Testament by its historical contents. 

131. What is meant by calling it a growing aggregate ? 

132. Mention the five scripture-producing epochs. 

133. Speak of the " laying up " of sacred writings at various dates. 

134. The six kinds of work involved in the process of completing the Old 
Testament aggregate ? 

137. Speak of literary works mentioned in the latest biblical books. 

138. Of literature and writing as mentioned in the middle books. 

139. Of the same as mentioned in the earlier times. 

140. Of other indications of early literary activity in Israel. 



QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW. 149 

141. Of the early contact of Israel with literary peoples. 

142. Of the El-amarna tablets. 

143. Of Israel as a literary people in early times. 

146. Explain what is meant by composite authorship. 

147. Speak of composite authorship and the question of sources. 

148. How is credibility affected by composite authorship ? 

149. Composite authorship and questions concerning inspiration ? 

151. The three kinds of materials in the hexateuch? 

152. a. Mention some of the poems, d. Some of the addresses. 

154. Give an account of the covenant legislation. 

155. Give an account of the priestly legislation. 

156. Give an account of the Deuteronomic legislation. 

157. Give an account of the narrative parts of the hexateuch. 

159. a. How full is the testimony to the effect that the hexateuch was writ- 
ten by Moses and his associates ? d. Mention some linguistic considerations 
that confirm this. c. How much do these items weigh in settling the question ? 

160. What is the proper meaning of the statement that the pentateuch was 
written by Moses ? 

161. Give some account of Phinehas. 

162. The two traditions concerning the hexateuch ? 

163. Compare the two views, as respects the literary unity of the hexateuch. 

164. State and estimate them, in the matter of composite writing. 

165. In that of the theories of composite authorship now prevalent. 

166. In the matter of the dates and authorship of the hexateuch. 

167. In the matter of its postmosaic elements. 

168. In the matter of the work done on it in Ezra's time. 

169. In the matter of its truthfulness in matters of fact. 

170. Estimate the argument from the history of the religion of Israel. 

171. What was the aggregate ot sacred writings at the death of Phinehas? 

173. a. Mention the Old Testament writings of the second period, c. The 
subject treated in the historical series. 

174. Mention differences between this history and the books of kings. 

175. a. Mention the five parts of which this historical work is composed, d. 
How does this continuous history differ from the other parts ? c. Give the 
subjects of the six personal stories, d. How is the fourth part related to the 
second ? e. Mention the contents of some of the six appendices. 

177. State and define the tradition as to the authorship of Judges and Ruth 
and Samuel. 

178. The testimony of the books of Chronicles on this point? 

179. Show that the men were fit for writing such a work : a. Gad. d. 
Nathan, c. Samuel. 

180. Show that the times were fit : a. In prophetic activity, d. In literary 
productivity, c. In historical research. 

181. Speak of the motive for such writing in the time of David. 

182. Mention two theories of later date for these books. 

183. Estimate the alleged proofs of later date : a. From their presupposing 



150 QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW. 

Deuteronomy and the priestly legislation, d. From the alleged literary oneness- 
of the books of Samuel and Kings, c. From the alleged date when th& 
prophets became writers, d. From alleged late elements in the books. 

184. Give the argument from the mention of Israel and Judah. 

185. From the references to the time of the judges. 

186. From the use of the phrase " unto this day." 

187. From allusions to Rehoboam. 

188. From alleged archaisms. 

189. From the substitutions of bosheth for baal in names, 

190. From other passages. 

191. Show that these facts positively limit the date to the time of Nathan, 

192. What part had Samuel, Gad, and Nathan in writing these books? 

194. Speak of the live books of the psalms, and of the earlier collections. 

195. How is the date of a psalm determined ? 

196. Speak of poetry and music in the times of David. 

197. a. Mention New Testament testimony to Davidic psalms, b. Testimony 
to the ' * mercy endureth forever " psalms ? c. Other Old Testament testimony ? 

198. Give some account of the Hebrew psalm titles. 

199. Of the additional titles in the versions. 

200. The limit of date in the historical allusions in the psalms. 

201. a. Show that late date is not proved by the absence of a title, b. By 
the mention of Israel as afHicted. c. By mention of the temple, d. By^ 
Aramaisms. 

202. Give the general conclusion as to the date of the psalms. 

204. What was the aggregate of sacred writings at the death of Nathan ? 

205. The tradition as to the authorship of Kings. 

206. Speak of the " Chronicles " mentioned in Kings. 

207. Speak of prophetic writings used as sources, 

208. How about the thepry of frequent reworking ? 

210. Which are the minor prophets of the earliest group ? 

211. Speak of Joel. 

212. Of Obadiah. 

213. Of Jonah. 

214. Of Amos. 

215. Of Hosea. 

216. Of the last two prophecies in Zechariah. 

217. Of Micah. 

218. Give a general account of Isaiah. 

219. a. Give an analysis of Isa. i-xxxix. b. The view taken by some advo- 
cates of the new tradition ? c. Estimate the proofs alleged for this view, d. 
Literary unities as an argument in such a case? 

220. a. Give an account of Isa. xl-lxvi. b. The relation of these chapters to 
the history of Cyrus ? c. The theory of a " second Isaiah " ? d. The evidence^ 
and the theories of a late date ? 

221. Give conclusions concerning Isaiah. 

222. Give an account of Nahum. 



QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW. 151 

223. Of Habakkuk. 

224. Of Zephaniah. 

225. The date of the life of Jeremiah ? 

226. Mention the contents of the book of Jeremiah. 

227. Account for the order of the prophecies of Jeremiah. 

228. Give an account of the book of Lamentations. 

229. Of Solomon's Song. 

230. Of psalms written between Solomon and the exile. 

231. Of the " wise men " of Israel and their works. 

232. Of the book of Proverbs. 
^33. Of the book of Job. 

234. The question of the probability of interpolations. 

235. The scriptural aggregate of " the men of Hezekiah " ? 

236. The scriptural aggregate at the death of Jeremiah ? 

237. Describe the historical series of the fourth period. 

238. Who probably wrote this series ? 

239. Discuss the historical trustworthiness of the Chronicler. 

240. Give an account of the sources used by the Chronicler. 

242. Give an account of the book of Ezekiel. 

243. Of the book of Haggai. 

244. Of the book of Zechariah. 

245. Of the book of Malachi. 

246. Of the book of Ecclesiastes. 

247. Of the book of Esther. 

248. Of the book of Daniel. 

249. Of exilian and postexilian psalms. 

250. a. Speak of the providential wonder stories, d. Of the apocalyptic 
writings. 

251. What was the scripture aggregate at the death of Nehemiah ? 

252. a. In what alphabet was the Old Testament first written? d. When 
was the square alphabet adopted ? 

253. a. What characters were used in the original text? d. How about 
abbreviations, etc ? c. The separation of words ? d. Of books ? 

254. a. The verse divisions ? ^. The reading lessons? c. The chapters? d. 
The vowels, accents, and notes ? 

255. The three supposable results of text criticism ? 

256. Mention the sources of Old Testament text criticism ? 

257. The two periods in the history of the text? 

259. How far does the lateness of the written vowels weaken the text? 

260. Prove that the vowels are not merely conjectural. 

261. Illustrate the care with which our text has been transmitted. 

262. What is the amount of the variant readings in the Hebrew. 

263. In what sense is conjecture here especially important ? 

264. The presumption as to early carelessness in the text ? 

265. The significance of the scarcity of documents ? 

266. What do the early Christian charges of corrupt text amount to ? 



152 QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW. 

267. The duplicated passages as proving corruption of text? 

268. a. The relative age of the Septuagint and the Masoretic text ? d. The 
present condition of the Septuagint text ? c. Uncritical elements in ths orig- 
inal Septuagint ? d. The value of the Septuagint in text criticism ? 

26q. The New Testament citations, and questions of text ? 

272. The history of the text as proof of its integrity ? 

273. Arguments of silence in proof of incorrupt text ? 

274. a. The leading principle of text criticism ? d. The most important sub-- 
ordinate principle ? 

275. Mention principles applicable in cases of difficult readings. 

276. Principles applicable in cases of fuller or briefer readings. 

277. What is the value of our present Hebrew text? 



HEXATEUCHAL QUESTIONS. 

REVISION OF 1901. 



HEXATEUCHAL QUESTIONS 



Revision of J90t. 

LECTURE I. 
Prelimii^aey. 

I. Literature. — See the bibliography in Old Testament Studies, Qu. 172. 
A few additional works are Kuenen Religio7i of Israel, and Hexateuch; 
Wellhausen Prolegomena of the History of Israel, Edinburgh, 1885; W. R, 
Smith Old Testament i?i the fewish Church; C. A. Briggs Higher Criticism 
of the Hexateuch, and Biblical Study, and Study of Holy Scripture, also 
article in Pres. Review for Jan. 1883; W. H. Bennett Primer of the Bible; 
articles in the Herzog or in the Schaff-Herzog Cyclopaedias, in the Ejtcyc. 
Brit., ninth edition, in the new Dictionary of the Bible, in the Encyclopcedia 
Biblica. Uncolored treatments may be found in The Elements of the Higher 
Criticism, by Professor A. C. Zenos, and in Professor Cave's book on Inspira- 
tion. Treatments favoring the older tradition are the introductions in the 
Pulpit Commentary; the chapters on the Pentateuch in Harman's Introduc- 
tion; W. H. Green Mosaic Origin of the Pentateuchal Codes; articles in the 
Amer. Sup to the Encyc. Brit. 

2. General statement of the problem. — From the syllabus on 
Old Testament Studies make a statement on each of the fol- 
lowing points : a. The contents of the hexateach (Qus. 151- 
157). h. The term "composite authorship" (144-149). c. 
The term "law" (24-27). d. The term " Mosaic authorship " 
(160-161). e. The views held concerning the origin of the 
hexateuch (162-168). 

3. The history of the discussion. — Prepare a sketch in the 
form of a brief statement of the work done by the following 
scholars : Spinoza, Astruc, Eichorn, Geddes and Yater, 
DeWette, Ewald, Hupfeld, Graf, Kuenen, Wellhausen, 
Dillmann (See sketches in Briggs, Zenos and other authors). 

4. The test proposition. — a. No one would question that the 
division into J, E, JE, P, D, etc., has value as a classification 
of phenomena, h. There is room for difference of opinion on 



156 HEXATEUCHAL QUESTIOM. 

the question how far the phenomena are to be accounted for 
by difference of authorship, and how far in other ways — by 
difference of subject matter or difference in the author' s mood, 
for example ; but these differences, if disconnected from ques- 
tions of date or of truthfulness, are unimportant, c. The im- 
portant differences between the old tradition and the new are 
on questions of dates. For purposes of discussion the whole 
problem can be put compactly into this form : Did the 
hexateuch originate within the lifetime of men who knew 
Moses % 

In the following lectures we will consider the arguments on 
this question : first in the affirmative, and then in the negative. 

5. First argument in the sffirmative. Evidence versus 
opinion. — As against the proposition that new ideas are to be 
received because they are new, or old ideas because they are 
old, we should plant ourselves firmly on the ground that this is 
a question to be decided purely by evidence, by evidence 
scientifically tested and weighed. 



LECTURE II. 
The Testimony. Claims made in the Hexateuch. 

6. Second argument in the affirmative : the testimony in the 
case. — It is conceded that the testimony is wholly in favor of 
the affirmative. The only reason for adducing it at any length 
is that we may obtain some idea of its abundance and great 
weight. 

7. Deuteronomy. ^The book consists of a general title 
(i. 1-2), three addresses (i. 3-iv. 40, iv. 44-xxvi, xxvii-xxx), 
two poems (xxxii. 1-43, xxxiii), with four bits of narrative 
(iv. 41-43, xxxi, xxxii. 44-52, xxxiv). Every part testifies to 
Mosaic authorship. 

8. General title. —It testifies that what follows was uttered 
by Moses in localities bounded by Perea, Horeb and Kadesh- 
barnea (i. 1-2). 



DEUTERONOMY CLAIMS MOSES AS AUTHOR. 157 

9. First discourse. — a. Its inscription declares that it is a 
divine " law" published by Moses at a specified date (i. 3-5). 

b. The narrative following it apparently describes the occasion 
on which it was given (iv. 41-43 cf. iii. 12-17). c. Moses 
speaks in the first person, recapitulating events of his lifetime 
(i. 9, 12, 13, 15, 20, ii. 26, iii. 12, iv. 14, 21, etc.). d. First 
person plural (i. 19, ii. 1, iii. 1, etc.). e. Speaks to the 
persons he addresses as having been engaged in the events of 
the exodus (ibid, and i. 10, 14, 22, 26, 27, iii. 12, 18, iv. 11, 
12, 23, etc.). /. The burden of the address is that they shall 
be obedient to the laws given at Sinai, and that they shall not 
be afraid of giants (i. 28, ii. 10-12, 20-23, iii. 11), and this fits 
the date specified for the address. 

10. Second discourse. — a. Two parts, the first part consist- 
ing mainly of a recital of facts, with added exhortation (iv. 
44-xi), and the second part of laws (xii-xxvi). b. It has an 
inscrix)tion (iv. 44-49), declaring it to be a divine "law" given 
by Moses at nearly the same date with the previous discourse. 

c. As in the previous discourse (Qu. 9cdef), it assumes 
throughout that the speaker and his auditors participated in 
the events of the exodus, d. The legislation is ostensibly 
given to take effect when Israel shall have crossed the Jordan 
(e. g. xi. 29, xii. 1, 9-10, etc.), and it fits that situation and 
none later, and especially not the time of Josiah (see Bissell). 

11. Third discourse. — Expanding the precept for the bless- 
ing and cursing (xi. 26-32), it gives details for the ceremony 
(xxvii), then a connected declaration (xxviii), then an in- 
scription entitling this " The Covenant . . . in the Land 
of Moab" (xxix. 1 [xxviii. 69]), and then an address by 
Moses (xxix-xxx). a. The inscription attributes it to Moses, 
and dates it. b. The two parts of it open in the name of 
Moses (xxvii. 1, xxix. 2 [1]). c. It continues in his 
name (xxvii. 9, 11). d. First and second personal pronouns 
(xxvii. 1, 4, 10, xxviii. 1, 15, xxix. 4, 5, 10, xxx. 1, 2. 11, 15, 
etc.). e. "This day" (same passages). /. Allusions to recent 
and coming events (xxvii. 2-8, 12, xxix. 2-9, xxx. 16, etc.). 

12. The two poems. — In similar ways these both claim to be 



158 HEXATEUCHAL QUESTIONS. 

by Moses, or by him and Joshua, and of the same date with 
the discourses (xxxi. 19, nO, xxxii. 44, xxxiii. 1, etc.). 

13. Oral or written. — a. It is not absolutely said that Moses 
gave all these discourses and poems in writing, though it is 
said that these are the discourses and poems he gave. That 
they were written is an implication which it is difficult to 
avoid, b. But it is explicitly said that the law of blessing 
and cursing was to be written (xxvii. 8. 8). c. It is snid that 
Moses and Joshua wrote the song (xxxi. 19, 22). d. And 
much is said concerning "the book of the law" written by 
Moses, which is mentioned in the narrative (xxxi. 9-13, 24- 
26), in the second discourse (xvii. 18-20, 8-11), in the third 
discourse (xxviii. 58, 61, xxix. 20, 21, 27 [19, 20, 26], xxx. 
10). e. "The law," in Deuteronomy sometimes denotes this 
book of the law (iv. 8 and probably xxix. 29, xxxii. 46, xxxiii. 
4, 10), and sometimes a particular address or passage (i. 5, iv. 
44, xxvii. 3, 8, 26). 

14. What was this book of the law?— a. The passages cited 
seem to show that it is identifiable, at least in a general way, 
with Deuteronomy, b. In particular, there is no reason for 
saying that it was the pentateuch. c. The record carefully 
differentiates it from the two tables of stone. First, It was 
written by Moses, and they by God himself (Ex. xxiv. 12, 
xxxi. 18, xxxii. 15, 16, 19, xxxiv. 1, 4, 28 \he is Yahweh, and 
not Moses], 29, Deut. iv. 13, v. 22 [19], ix. 9-11, x. 1-5). 
Second, the tables were in the ark, the law beside it, other 
things before it (Deut. x. 2, 5, 1 Ki. viii. 9, 2 Chron. v. 10, 1 
Sam. vi. 19, and Ex. xxv. 16, 21, xl. 20; Deut. xxxi. 9-13, 
24-27, Josh. viii. 34-35, Deut. xvii. 18-19, 8-11 ; Ex. xvi. 33, 
34, Num. xvii. 10, 4, Ex. xl. 4-5, 22-27, Heb. ix 1-5. 

15. Other writings of the time of Moses. — a. " The book of 
the covenant," written by Moses after the "ten words" had 
been given orally, but before the two tables were given (Ex. 
xxiv. 3-8, Heb ix. 19-20, Deut. iv. 14, v. 2-3, 31 [28], Ex. 
xxi. 1, and compare Ex. xix, xx. 1, Deut. iv. 12, v. 5, and 
context). Is Ex. xix-xxiii this book of the covenant ? b. 
The "ten words," written by Gfod himself (Qu. 14c). c. 



OTHER WRITINGS BY MOSES. 159 

Something writteo when the second pair of tables was given 
(Ex. xxxiv. 27, 82). d. "The book"— not "a book" (Ex. 
xvii. 14). e. "Their goings out" (Num. xxxiii. 1-2). /. 
Very many matters attributed to Moses, but not expressly 
said to have been written (Ex. xxv. 9, 40, xxvi. 30, xxvii. 8, 
Lev. vii. 37-38, etc., Num. i. 1, ii. 1, iii 5, etc.). These in- 
clude nearly the whole of the priestly legislation in Ex.. Lev., 
and Num. g. The natural implication is that these laws 
existed in writing in the time of Moses. This implication is 
strengthened by the many passages which speak of the art of 
writing as then well known in Israel (Num. xvii. 2, 3, 17, 18 ; 
xi. 26 ; V. 23 ; Deut. xxiv. 1, 3 ; vi. 9, xi. 20 ; Ex. xxviii. 9, 
11, 21, 36, xxxix. 6, 14, 30 ; Josh, xviii. 4,6, 8, 9 ; Ex. xxxii. 
32, 33). 

16. Joshua also a tcriter. — Joshua is an associate and suc- 
cessor of Moses in this work (Deut. xxxi. 19, xxxii. 44, Josh, 
xxiv. 26). 

17. TJie bearing of this testimony. — a. It affirms that Deut- 
eronomy, the Ten Words and the Book of the Covenant in 
Exodus, and other undesignated portions, were written in the 
time of Moses and Joshua ; and that m their time substan- 
tially all the pentateuchal legislation existed in fixed form, 
presumably in writing, b. The old tradition accepts this 
testimony as fact, while the new regards the delinite jDarts of 
it as ranging in value from fiction to falsehood. The alleged 
proofs that it is not fact we will consider in due time. For 
the present we proceed with the testimony. 



LECTURE III. 

The Testimois^y. What Became of the Mosaic Writings. 

18. The line of the argument. — If the testimony we have 
been examining is true to fact, we may expect to be able to 
trace the history of the writings said to have been produced 
in the time of Moses and Joshu^. If it is i^ot true to fact, thi^ 
will be impossible, 



160 HEXATEUCHAL QUESTIONS. 



19. The Book of the Law in hexateuchal times. — a. We 
have found that the book of the law was to be kept in a cer- 
tain place, that is, beside the ark ; in the custody of certain 
persons, namely the priests and "all the elders of Israel"; 
for certain purposes (Deut. xxxi. 9-13, 24-26, xvii. 18-20, 8-11). 
b. The purposes mentioned are, first, that Israel may obey ; 
second, that the Levite priests may teach it authoritatively 
(e. g. Deut. xxxiii. 10, xxiv. 8, Lev. x. 11); third, that it may 
be used in a certain pageant (Deut. xxvii. 3-8, 26); fourth, 
that it may be publicly read once in seven years (Deut. xxxi. 
9-12); fifth, that the future king may have a copy (xvii. 18-20); 
sixth, for use in appealed cases (xvii. 8-13). c. The testimony 
affirms that it was handed down to Joshua and obeyed (Josh, 
i. 7-8, viii. 31, xxii. 5, xxiii. 6, etc.); was used at the pageant 
(viii. 32-34); was publicly read (viii. 35 cf. Deut. xxxi. 9, 11, 
12). d. Joshua added to it (xxiv. 25-28). See MKC {Moses 
and his Recent Critics)^ pp. 176-182. 

20. The testimony in the times from Joshua to David. — 
a. No one disputes that the Old Testament books that record 
the history from Solomon on contain abundant testimony to 
the existence of Mosaic writings. But it is alleged that the 
books of Judges and Ruth and Samuel discredit this testimony, 
first, by their silence as to such writings, and second, by ex- 
hibiting Israelite institutions inconsistent with them. The 
institutions we will consider later. At present we have to 
show that these books are not significantly silent, b. For the 
date of the books see OTS, Lects. XX, XXI. 

21. These books as they stand presuppose all parts of the 
hexateuch. — This is no longer in dispute. The scholars of the 
new tradition teach that the earlier parrs of Judges and 
Samuel are virtually continuations of J and E, reworked later 
to make them agree with D, and again reworked to make them 
agree with P. Of the 41|^ pages of Judges in the Polychrome 
bibie in English, nearly 3 pages in all are printed in green to 
denote the hand of D, and more than 6 pages in yellow to in- 
dicate a postexilian date like that of P. The same peculiari- 
ties appear in First and Second Samuel, though to a less 



JUDGES AND SAMUEL CITE THE HEXATEUCH. 161 

extent. The case was different as late as a dozen years ago, 
but no one now claims that these books are silent concerning 
the hexateuch, till he has first gone through the books and 
suppressed all the passages that seem to him to recognize the 
hexateuch. 

22. distances of citation from the hexateuch. — We can look 
at only a few out of man}^ a. Judges i. and ii. 6-10 mainly 
duplicate parts of Joshua, especially Josh. xxiv. 28-81. b. 
Early in the time of the judges, it is said (Jud. ii. 1-3), a 
message came from Yahweh to Israel at Bochim. The mes- 
sage is made up of eight or more characteristic phrases of the 
hexateuch, pieced together (e. g. Ex. iii. 17, Deut. vi. 10, Lev. 
xxvi. 44, Gen. xvii. 7, Ex. xxxiv. 12-13, Deut. xxviii. 62. 
Ex. xxiii. 28, Num. xxxiii. 55 and Josh, xxiii. 13, Ex. xxiii. 
33). c. At a later date Jephthah, negotiating with the 
Ammonites (Jud. xi. 12-28), is represented as using phrase 
after phrase taken from the narrative in Numbers (xx-xxi). 
d. The language which describes the misconduct of Samuel's 
sons and the consequent demand of the elders for a king (1 
Sam. viii. 3, 5) borrows the phrases of Deuteronomy (xvi. 19, 
xvii. 14), and is made significant by the borrowing, e. The 
account of the giving of the great promise to David (2 Sam. 
vii) presupposes a considerable number of passages from 
Deuteronomy and other parts of the hexateuch (2 Sam. vii. 1, 
11, Deut. xii. 10 cf. Deut. xxv. 19, iii. 20, Josh. i. 13, xxii. 4, 
xxi. 44, xxiii. 1, Heb. iv. 8 ; 2 Sam. vii. 12, Gen. xv. 4 ; 2 Sam. 
vii. 24, Deut. xxvi. 17-18, Lev. xxvi. 45, Gen. xvii. 7). 

On these and many other passages see MRC pp. 200-209. 

23. The bearing of such instances as these. — a. They affirm 
the existence and use of some of the hexateuchal writings in 
the times of the incident at Bochim, and of Jephthah and 
Samuel and David and other ancient men, and not merely in 
the time of the author who wrote their history, b. It is no 
part of the plan of the authors of Judges and Samuel to give 
a full account of the hexateuch, but they certainly are not 
silent concerning it. 

24. Witness of the psalms, — a. Certain psalms are by their 



162 HEXATEUCHAL QUESTIONS. 

titles, or by the testimony of other writings (especially 1 
Chron. xvi, and the New Testament), attributed to David, or 
to his contemporaries, Asaph, Heman, Ethan ; and nothing in 
their contents discredits this. h. These often mention torah, 
commonly meaning written divine revelation given through 
prophets ; and they so refer to the contents of the hexateuch 
as to identify them as torah, and connect them with Moses 
and his times (xix. 7 [8], xxxvii. 31, xl. 8 [9], Ixxviii. 1, 5, 
10, Ixxxix. 30 [31J, cv. 45 ; the verb, xxv. 8, 12, xxvii. 11, 
xxxii. 8, Ixxxvi. 11.) c. They habitually cite hexateuchal 
phraseology (Ps. iv. 5 [6], Deut. xxxiii. 19 ; Ps. xviii. 15 [16], 
Ex. XV. 8 ; Ps. xxxiii, especially 9, Gen. i. especially 3, 6, 
etc.; and hundreds of other instances), d. Some of them re- 
capitulate the hexateuchal narratives (cv [1 Chron. xvi. 7-22], 
cvi [1 Chron. xvi. 7, 34-36], Ixxvii, Ixxviii, Ixxx, Ixxxi). e. 
Whether or no all these psalms are of the time of David, the 
testimony of the psalms to the early origin of the hexateuch 
can be got rid of only by affirming the very late origin of sub- 
stantially all the psalms. 



LECTURE IV. 
The Testimony Conceenhstg the Mosaic Writings 

Continued. 

25 For the time from Solomon to Manasseh. — Read 1 Kings 
and 2 Kings i-xxi, with the parallel parts of Chronicles, 
noting especially instances that are to the point (e. g. 1 Ki. ii. 
3, viii. 9, 53, 56-57, 2 Ki. x. 31, xii. 2 [3], xiv. 6, xvii. 13, 34, 
37, 27-28, xviii. 4, 6, 12, xxi. 7-8). a. They represent that 
the written law of Moses was in operation from the time of 
David onward. I). They attribute the law to Moses himself, 
c. So. far as they identify the law, it includes the hexateuch 
—prevailingly Deuteronomy (MRC pp. 192-200). 

26. Twie of Josiah. — Read with care the account of Josiah's 




THE BOOK FOUND IN JOSIAWS TIME. 163 

reformation in 2 Ki. xxii-xxiii and 2 Chron, xxxiv-xxxv. a. 
The things in the book that was found which are said to have 
made an impression are things now found in Deuteronomy 
(xxii. 13, 16-19, etc.). h. The "book of the covenant" 
which was read (2 Ki. xxiii. 2, 2 Chron. xxxiv. 30) was rela- 
tively brief. It may well have been the Moabite covenant 
book now constituting Deut. xxvii-xxx (Deut. xxix. 1, 9, 12, 

14. 21, 25 [xxviii. 69, xxix. 8, 11, 13, 20. 24]) ; or it may pos- 
sibly have been a longer part of Deuteronomy, c. This book 
of the covenant was identical with eitlier the whole or a part 
of the "book of the law" that was found in the temple, the 
second alternative being quite as probable as the first (2 Ki. 
xxii. 8, 10, 11, 13, 16, xxiii, 3, 21, 24, 25, 2 Chron. xxxiv. 14, 

15, 18, 19, XXXV. 26). d. The account nowhere either affirms 
or implies that this was the only copy of the book of the law 
then known to be in existence. On the contrary it affirms 
that Josiah had for some years been already engaged in the 
reforms required by this book. The excitement arose from 
its being a special copy, and not from its being the only copy, 
e. Whether the book found in the temple was a part of 
Deuteronomy, or the whole of Deuteronomy, or the penta 
teuch, or a collection of the sacred writings up to Isaiah's 
time, in any case the narrative in Chronicles recognizes other 
parts of the hexateuch as then in existence, and also ritual 
writings of the times of David (xxxv. 1-18). /. These narra- 
tives give us to understand that the book that was found dated 
from Moses ; though in this instance the fictional hypothesis 
would serve with less difficulty than in most of the other in- 
stances. 

27. The preexilian prophets: general view. — a. It is alleged 
that they do not corroborate the testimony of the books of 
Kings, and that we must therefore reject that testimony. h. 
Read them through (Isa., Jer. and the first nine minor proph- 
ets), or use a concordance, and note what they have to say 
about torah, written torah, Moses. Thus verify the proposi- 
tion: They were familiar with sacred writings, among which 
were writings vy^hich they attributed to the times of Moses and 



164 HEXATEUCHAL QUESTIONS. 

Joshua; and the contents of the latter can be partly, and per- 
haps entirely, identified with those of our hexateuch. 

28. The preexilian prophets: details. — a. From the earlier 
group, taken as they stand, note a few specimens. "Book of 
Yahweh " (Isa. xxxiv. 16); written ceremonial law (Hos. viii. 
12); "the law" (Isa. xlii. 4, 24, li. "z); "law" (Isa. xlii. 21, li. 
4, xxiv. 5); " teach" (Isa. xxviii. 9, 26). As bearing: on the 
interpretation of such statements, note that these books abound 
in hexateuchal phraseology, and in allusions to the hexatenchal 
legislation and events (Joel i. 9, 13, 16, and context, Isa. xliv. 
2 cf. Deut. xxxii. 15, xxxiii. 5, 26, Isa. Ixiii. 11-14, Mic. vi. 
4-5, Isa. xl. 26, 28, xlii. 5, xlv. 12, 18, and scores of other 
places h. The later preexilian prophets magnify the law 
(Hab. i. 4, ii. 18, 19, Zeph. iii. 4, Jer. ii. 8, vi. 19, viii. 8, ix. 
13, xvi. 11, xviii. 18, xxvi. 4, xxxi. 33, xxxii. 23, xliv. 10, 23), 
and are saturated with Deuteronomy ; though they name 
Moses only once (Jer. xv. 1). c. To break this conclusion, 
the advocates of the new view set aside the portioQS of these 
writings that are richest in testimony of this sort, as being 
later writings, or interpolations. They do not dispute that 
the parts thus set aside abundantly recognize the hexateuch 
and its institutions. Of the prophets earlier than Jeremiah, 
the parts which Kuenen retains slightly exceed in bulk the 
gospel by Luke. These parts use the noun torah about ten 
times, and the verb as many more, and in the other usual 
ways recognize the earlier writings (Am. ii. 4, Hos. iv. 6, viii. 
1, Isa. i, 10, ii. 3, v. 24, viii. 16, 20, xxx. 9, Mic. iv. 2, and Isa. 
ii. 3, xxx. 20, ix. 15 [14], Hos. x. 12, Mic. iii. 11, iv. 2, etc.). 
Even in tiiese selected parts, is the recognition of the written 
law any less full or less explicit than it is in the gospel by 
Luke? {Pres. Rev. for Oct. 1882, page 731 sq.). 

29. Preexilian prophets: conclusions. — a. Their testimony 
corroborates that of the historical books in an immense num- 
ber of points, and contradicts it in none. b. It cannot be 
proved that these prophets habitually use the term law as 
equivalent to our term pentateuch. They use both the noun 
and the verb in a sense wide enough to include all written 



■ 



POSTEXILIAN TESTIMONY. 16^ 



revelation given througli prophets, and, perhaps, oral revela- 
tion also. All the same, their torah included the writings 
which they counted as coming from Moses. To them, Moses 
was the beginner of the whole line of revelation through 
prophets, and not of the pentateuch merely. 



LECTURE y. 
Testimony to the Mosaic Writings. Postexiliai^. 

30. The postexilian Old Testament books. — a. At the close 
of the 70 years of exile, B. C. 538-516, the records represent 
that Israel had the written law of Moses, which is especially 
identified in its contents with the pentateuch (Dan. ix. 11, 13, 
el ix. 1, Ezra iii. 2 and context), but sometimes thought of 
as more extensive than the pentateuch (Ezra vi. 18, Dan. vi. 
5, 10 cf. Dan. ix. 2, 10, x. 21). b. For the time of Ezra, 
Nehemiah, and their successors, beginning 458 B. C, the writ- 
ten law is greatly emphasized (Ezra vii. 6, 10, 12, 25, 26, Neh. 
viii. 18, X. 34, 36, etc.). It included the hexateuch in sub- 
stantially its present form (Ezra ix. 1-2, Neh. i. 5-10, ix. 6-23, 
X. 31, 35-36, xiii. 1-3, Mai. i. 2-3, 8, 13-14, iii. 8, etc.). They 
attribute to Moses the law as a whole, and pentateuchal details 
in particular (Ezra vii. 6, Neh. i. 7, 8, viii. 1, 14, ix. 14, x. 29, 
xiii. 1, Mai. iv. 4, etc.). But they do not sharply separate 
the pentateuch or the hexateuch from other writings which 
they regard as prophetical and sacred (Neh. ix. 20-31). c. No 
one disputes that this teaching is abundant iu Ezra, Nehemiah, 
Chronicles, Daniel and the other latest books (MRC, pp. 
182-192). 

31. Later testimony. — a. it is very abundant in the apocry- 
pha and other writings, but we need not delay for these, b. 
No one disputes that in the New Testament times the com- 
plete hexateuch existed, or that the pentateuch was then cur- 
rently regarded as written by Moses, or that the men of the 
New Testament used without rebuke the current phrases in 



166 BEXATEUCHAL QUESTIONS. 

wliicli this opinion was expressed, c. Look up tiie New Tes- 
tament passages, nearly 80 in number, where the name of 
Moses occurs. The following are a few specimens taken at 
random. The law of Moses (Lc. ii. 22, xxiv. 44, John i. 17, 
etc.). The Book of Moses (Mc. xii. 26, 2 Cor. iii. 15). Moses 
a giver of precepts (Mat. viii. 4, xix. 7-8, xxii. 24). Giving 
them in writing (Mc. xii. 19, John i. 45). d. Formerly the 
advocates of the new tradition met the New Testament testi- 
mony by minimizing it — trying to make it mean something 
less than that Moses is properly to be called the author of the 
pentateuch. Now they commonly meet it by saying that 
Jesus and his associates were not critical scholars, and did not 
know. This question is too serious to be treated negligently. 
If men come commonly to believe that the writers of the New 
Testament were in the habit of making affirmations that they 
did not know to be true, and especially if they come to believe 
that Jesus had that habit, the consequences will be such as 
no lover of Jesus and of the gospel likes to contemplate. 



LECTURE VL 

LlTERAEY CORROBORATIOIS^S OF THE TeSTIMOITY. 

32. Third argument in the affirmative: from general liter- 
ary characteristics. — a. Other books of the Old Testament 
were written at or near the several dates to which the new 
tradition assigns the parts of the hexateuch. The literary 
phenomena are inconsistent with the idea that the hexateuch 
was written contemporaneously with these, but prove that 
the whole of it was earlier than the other books, b. In this 
argument we compare two relatively large bodies of literature. 
The results are simpler and more cogent than if the comparison 
were between small fragments. 

33. Early and late Hebrew. — a. The grammars have here- 
tofore taught that the Hebrew of the hexateuch. especially 
that of the pentateuch, is of an earlier type than that of the 



THE LITERARY ARGUMENT, itl 

other Old Testament books. To meet this fact, some advocates 
of the new tradition say that the various authors of D and P 
practised an archaic style of writing. That a succession of 
men did this for two and a half centuries, at that stage of the 
world's progress, is not very probable. b. Even with views 
modified from those of the older grammarians, we shall still 
find it true that the diction of the hexateuch differs significantly 
from that of the other books. c. The proof of this consists 
of an immense number of particulars. We can examine but 
a few specimens. For discussions concerning the earlier and 
later Hebrew see the grammars (e. g. Gesenius Sec. 2), or 
Encyc. Brit, XI, p. 596. 

34. Grammatical and verbal forms. — a. In these the hexa- 
teuch differs from the other books in many important groups 
of instances, b. One group is the personal pronouns. The 
pentateuch often has hu instead of hi (e. g. Gen. iii. 12, Lev. 
ii. 6, 15, Deut. ii. 20). The hexateuch uses anoki of the first 
person eighty per cent as often as it uses ani, the other books 
only thirty-five per cent. El for elleh is found seven times in 
the pentateuch, and but once elsewhere (MG, i. e. Mitchell's 
Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar, pp. 13, 99, 100). c. As another 
group, the harsh sibilant of early times is softened later. For 
example, tsa'aq commonly in hexateuch, but commonly za'aq 
elsewhere (e. g. Deut. xxii. 24, Hos. viii. 2); tsakliaq in Gen. 
and Ex., but sakhaq nearly always outside the hexateuch (e. 
g. Gen. xviii. 13, 2 Sam. vi. 5). 

35. Vocabulary. — a. For example, look up in concordance 
the following words that are frequent in the other books, but 
seldom or never appear in the hexateuch : iiv dinah, pekhah, 
Eloah, nebel, heykal ; and the following, frequent in the 
hexateuch but not elsewhere : ToVdoth, ason, ishsheh. b. 
Look up halal in the two meanings ' ' to praise ' ' and ' ' to praise 
God"; yadah, "to confess guilt" and " to give thanks"; 
gaal, "redeem" and "pollute"; masetli, "assessment" and 
other senses, c. Look up the uses of the following words: 
'ei/i and z'man, "time"; laqakli smd qibbel, "take"; malak 
and shalat, ' ' reign " ; sot 'ir and ts^phir, ' ' he goat. ' ' 



l68 



Hexateuchal questions. 



36. Syntax. — a. For example, look up the use of the 
accusative sign eth with passive verbs (the grammars and Gen. 
xvii. 5, 14, 25, xxix. 27, Deut. xii. 22, xx. 8, Ex. x. 8, etc.). 

b. The article as a relative before verbs (MG jj. 420 and Ezra 
viii. 25, X several instances). 

37. Phrases. — a. " Jehovah of hosts", "Jehovah, God of 
hosts," first used in 1 Sam. i, 3, 11, and growingly frequent 
from then in most of the books, b. " Holy one of Israel," 
not in hexateuch, but often in 2 Ki., Pss., Isa., Jer., Ezek. 

c. Descriptive names of deity, virtually compounds of El, 
"God most high", " God all-seeing", "God almighty ", "God 
eternal", " God most jealous", "God most compassionate", 
"God all-living", (e. g. Gen. xiv. 18, xvi. 13, xvii. 1, xxi. 33, 
Ex. XX. 5, Dent. iv. 31, Josh. iii. 10), occur more than 20 times 
in the hexateuch. Elsewhere they are rare in poetry (e. g. 
Isa. ix. 6, X. 21, xlv. 21), and probably occur in prose only as 
echoing some hexateuch al passage (e. g. Ezek. x. 5). d. It 
is said that the phrase ' ' sons of Israel ' ' occurs about 392 times 
in the last five books of the hexateuch, but less than 100 times 
in Sam., Ki., Chron., Ez., Neh. and Ezek. combined, where 
the proportion would require 600. On the other hand, "men 
of Israel " occurs 5 times in the hexateuch and 49 times in 
Jud. and Sam. e. "The sons of" before the name of a place 
or a leader (e. g. "the sons of Bethlehem ", Ez. ii. 21) occurs 
scores of times in the other books, and never in the hexateuch. 
f. " The house of Elohim " is not in the hexateuch, and " the 
house of Yahweh ' ' is rare, while both are frequent elsewhere. 

38. Deuteronomy and the book of Jeremiah. — a. The two 
have marked literary resemblances. This is claimed as proof 
that Deuteronomy originated in the time of Joeiah, when 
Jeremiah began to prophesy (Jer. i. 2). b. But the resem- 
blances are sufficiently accounted for by the historical fact 
that the men of that generation were deeply impressed by 
Deuteronomy. c. The differences (such differences as are 
mentioned in Qus. 33-37) are even sharper than the resem- 
blances, Deuteronomy bearing archaic marks. It would be 
possible to make an additional list of details, solely from the 



(GENERAL PROBABILITIES. 16^ 

data afforded by these two books. d. The new tradition 
virtually concedes this, for it affirms that Deuteronomy and 
Jeremiah cannot be by the same author. 

39. The priestcode and the postexilian hooks. — These bear 
strong literary resemblances, a. The resemblances may be 
accounted for by the fact that Ezekiel, Ezra, IN'ehemiah and 
the others were greatly interested in the priestly legislation 
so that their style was influenced thereby, b. These writings 
have other classes of peculiarities, mainly of the nature of 
modernisms, from which all parts of thehexateuch are free. 
Prominent among these, besides instances in 33-37, are Persian 
words and Persian facts and events by the score (e. g. Ezra iv. 
11, 13, 17, 18, V. 8, vii. 23). c. The priestly parts of the hexa- 
teuch have peculiarities (Qus. 33-37), largely such as indicate 
earlier date, which do not appear in the exilian and postexil- 
ian books. 



LECTURE Mil. 
Other Corroboration's of the Testimony. 

40. Fourth argument in the affirmative : certain probabil- 
ities. — When we take up the probabilities adduced on the 
negative side, we shall find that many of them really favor the 
affirmative. Meanwhile there are a few points that may be 
presented independently. 

41. Did Isy^aeV s great men leave any work behind them? 
— If the new view is correct, then the nobodies did nearly 
everything in Israelitish history and literature, and the men 
whose names have been handed down in history did substan- 
tially nothing. Is this probable ? 

42. Was the age of Moses a literary age? — Formerly the 
alleged improbability of this was made one of the strong argu- 
ments against Mosaic authorship. 1'hrough archaeological 
discoveries this alleged improbability has utterly vanished 
(OTS, Lect. Xyi), and a presumption has been established in 



170 BEXATEUCHAL QUESTIONS. 

favor of the existence of Israelitish writings in the time of 
Moses. 

43. Institutions later than the hexateuch. — The hexateuch 
makes no allusion to any service of song, or any arrangements 
for public fasting, connected with the permanent institutions 
of Israel. Would this probably be the' case, had the cere- 
monial law been written later than David ? 

44. The hexateuch and postexilian movements. — a. Nehe- 
miah and his companions made new regulations additional to 
those in the hexateuch (Neh. x, etc.). If they were then 
promulgating a new code, would they not rather have pro- 
mulgated these in the code itself ? See Old and New Test. 
Stud, for Dec, 1899, p. 346 sq. b. The great reform law en- 
forced by Ezra and Nehemiah, the separation from all foreign 
wives, is not in the hexateuch save by interpretation. Would 
this be the case if the hexateuch had been written at that 
time, in the interests of that reform ? 



LECTURE yill. 
The Other Side. The Modern Yiew. Testimony. 

45. First argument in the negative : the modern view. — 
The argument that is practically most effective is the claim 
that the new tradition is modern and scientific, with a group 
of other related considerations. It is needless to say that the 
opponents of the new tradition do not concede to it a monopoly 
of scientific method or spirit. 

46. The authority of experts. — They claim this, in large 
measure. But we cannot accept permanently the authority 
of one who claims to be an expert, unless he justifies his claim 
either by results reached or by reasons given. In this case 
there are no practical results that will serve, and therefore the 
claim is not to be accepted unless so proved that a layman can 
understand the proof. 

47. Independent agreement. — a. Years ago the opponents 



IMPORTANT DISAGREEMENTS. 171 

of the new tradition made effective use of the disagreements 
among its advocates. The latter now claim that they are sub- 
stantially agreed, and that agreement among so many inde- 
pendent investigators proves that they are genuine experts, 
and that their conclusions are correct, b. The agreement is 
a fact only to a limited extent. See, for example, the respec- 
tive views (A. D. 1884 to 1898) of Cornill, Seinecke, Maurice 
Vernes, Horst, Oettli and Addis, dating Deuteronomy at var- 
ious times from before Hezekiah to long after the exile ; or 
the contradictory opinions of Stark, Steuernagel, Kosters, 
Addis and Driver (1894 to 1898) as to the critical partition of 
Deuteronomy (Addis Docs, of Hex. II, pp. 3-20). c. So far 
as the agreement is a fact, it is largely due to the new views 
having acquired the dignity of a tradition. 

48. Arguments from utility. — a. The new tradition claims 
apologetic value. It has a convenient way of solving many 
of the "hard things " of the bible by relegating them to the 
domain of fiction. In some of the instances the solution is 
correct. This commends the tradition to many minds. But 
by its wholesale rejection of the biblical facts it creates more 
difficulties than it obviates, h. Some say that the new tradi- 
tion enables them better to appreciate the bible. But the bet- 
ter appreciation results from better methods and more careful 
study — characteristics which the new may have in common 
with the old. In no instance, probably, does it result from 
the factors that are peculiar to the new tradition — the particu- 
lar theory of the sources and the asserted late dates. 

49. The argument from alternatives. — It is often argued 
that since some particular form of the older tradition is cer- 
tainly mistaken or inadequate, therefore the new tradition 
must be true. Such reasoning leaves a wide gap between the 
premises and the conclusion. 

60. Second argument in the negative: testimony. — The ac- 
count in 2 Kings xxii-xxiii is sometimes claimed as testimony 
to the effect that Deuteronomy was written in Josiah's time. 
The history of Ezra and the various traditions in which he is 
named are sometimes called testimony to the work done on 



172 BEXATEUCHAL QUESTIONS. 

the hexatench in postexilian times. But this testimony is at 
every point, until after it has been manipulated, against the 
new tradition. The claim makes conspicuous the fact that 
the new tradition has no testimony to offer. Its evidence is 
entirely of a different kind. 



LECTURE IX. 

Is THE Affirmative Evidei^ce Valid ? 

51. Third argument in the negative : attempt to break down 
the affirmative proof. — As we have seen, the testimony and 
its corroborations are perfectly conclusive, provided they are 
allowed to stand. The men on the other side meet this evi- 
dence by minimizing it, by belittling it, by denying its validity. 

52. Minimizing the evidence. — a. Some stress is laid on the 
fact that the Old and New Testaments are silent as to the 
number and the titles of the books attributed to Moses. But 
this is not particularly significant, h. It is said that such 
phrases as "the books of Moses" may mean no more than 
that Moses is the central figure in the books. So they may, 
but the testimony contains other phrases concerning which 
this cannot be said. c. It is said that our Savior and others, 
speaking of Moses as the author, may simply have followed 
custom, without expressing any opinion of their own. But 
is there any proof that they did this 1 

53. Belittling the evidence. — a. They ignore most of the 
testimony, and all the corroborative evidence, h. They speak 
contemptuously of the testimony, c. They quote disparag- 
ingly the analogies of other religions, d. Especially they 
ridicule the "harmonizing " hypotheses to which the advocates 
of the older tradition sometimes resort in defending the testi- 
mony. On this point they should be careful, for their own 
constructive argument consists entirely of these same harmon- 
izing hypotheses. 

54. Denying the validity of the evidence. —This is the main 



BELIEVING TESTIMONY. 173 

argument. Ignoring the rest of tlie proof, they allege that 
the presumptions against the testimony, the incompetence of 
the witnesses, and its internal weaknesses, are such that we 
ought mostly to reject it. 

bb. The presumption agaiiist human testimony. — a. Some 
go so far as to aflSrm that no testimony to ancient events is to 
be believed except as it is corroborated and interpreted by 
monuments, b. This is an overstatement. Testimony is to 
be believed, at least provisionally, unless there is reason to 
the contrary, c. In this case we have monuments — existing 
Israel and his institutions, Christianity and Islam, Palestine, 
etc. d. These things render the biblical testimony unique, 
and we should be justified in making unique claims for it. It 
is sufficient for our purpose, however, that it be treated like 
other reputable testimony. 

5Q. Alleged incompetency of the witnesses.— a. Against the 
various biblical witnesses who testify to the existence of the 
hexateuchal writings from the time of Moses and Joshua, they 
allege, first, their late date, though a late date cannot be 
proved for them all ; second, their lack of critical acumen, 
though this might not prevent their judging facts sensibly ; 
third, their religious prejudices, the analogy of other religions 
being cited, h. These three points, even if fully admitted, do 
not prove incompetency, though they might account for it if 
proved. 

57. Internal proof s of lack of historicity . — It is alleged that 
these exist in great numbers, in the form of incredible state- 
ments, and statements that conflict one with another and with 
other evidence. To meet this in detail one would have to go 
through the chapters of the Old Testament, one by one. 

^8. Suppose that there are unhistoric elements. — a. Wheth- 
er their presence would impugn the authority of the records 
would depend on their nature. Christ taught in parables. 
h. If the writings were proved not merely to contain un- 
historical elements, but to be actually untrustworthy in some 
points, that would not so discredit their evidence as to the 
point in hand but that it ought to be considered and test- 



174 HEXATEUCHAL QUESTIONS. 

ed ; and the evidence we have examined consists so largely 
of incidental statements, and includes so much of the element 
of apparently undersigned coincidences, as to entitle it to 
respect, independently of other considerations. Even w^ithout 
discussing the historicity of the scriptures, we are entitled to 
use their testimony to the point in hand, except as it can be 
disproved by evidence. 

59. Lack of historicity not proved. — a. Much the strongest 
argument alleged against the historicity of these books is the 
assertion that such accounts as those of the crossing of the 
Red Sea or of the Jordan, or that of the four encampments in 
the wilderness, are incredible in the nature of things ; doubt- 
less they 'are so on the baby -story understanding of them, but 
not when intelligently understood, b. It is alleged that many 
X^assages contain contradictory accounts of the same events, 
and therefore are not to be depended upon (Gen. vi. 18-20 and 
vii. 2, 8 ; xxi. 31 and xxvi. 33 ; Num. xxii-xxiv. and xxxi. 
8-16 ; Ex. xxxii. 28 and 30, etc.). But there is no improba- 
bility in the idea that events of a certain character should 
repeat themselves, with slight differences ; and there is no 
difficulty in so understanding all these narratives, that the 
discrepancies vanish, c. In these lectures, we have consulted 
the Old Testament many hundreds of times, in search of mat- 
ters of fact, and have found always the appearance of trust- 
worthiness. This argument is positive, and not merely nega- 
tive, when we consider the nature of the statements If we 
continue to find this state of things, we apply the best possi- 
ble test of historicity to these writings. On the basis of these 
and other reasons, the charge of historical untrustworthiness 
can safely be denied. 



LECTURE X. 

ISKAELITISH INSTITUTIONS. ThE AeGUMENT StATED. 

60. Fourth argument in the negative : from the institutions 
of Israel. — It is regarded as the most important and convinc- 
ing of all. It is drawn in part from general analogies, and in 
part from the history as specifically recorded. 

61. The law that institutions grow. — It is argued that if 
these books are the work of Moses and Joshua, they represent 
the Mosaic institutions as coming suddenly into existence, 
and are therefore false, since such institutions must have 
arisen by growth, a. God can originate institutions by mira- 
cle, if he chooses, h. There were ages enough before Moses 
for the growth of these institutions. 

62. Was IsraeV s religion evolved from lower forms.— a. 
If so, there was time for the evolution before Moses, and not 
time for it after him. h. But one has no right to assume that 
it was evolved. A unique j)roduct may have had a unique 
origin. 

63. The laiu of the order of development in religion. — It is 
alleged that an elaborate ritual in a religion indicates a later 
stage of development than its prophetic, creative period ; and 
therefore that the Israeli tish ceremonial law must date, not 
from the time of the beginning, under Moses, but from the 
times of the exile, and later. But a. As the religion of Israel 
is admitted to be in many particulars exceptional, no one can 
deny beforehand that it may be exceptional in this particular. 
That is, no one is qualified to say that it may not have started 
with an elaborate ritual, h. If the Mosaic period began a 
cycle of religious development, then it also closed an older 
cycle. It is not incredible that this older cycle closed, at the 
close of the sojourn in ritualistic Egypt, with the formulating 
of elaborate ceremonial laws, even if these laws were largely 
neglected, afterward, until the later stages in a new cycle of 
religious movement. 

64. Two mistahen ideas of interpretation. — In studying 



176 HEXATEVCHAL QUESTIONS. 

these cases, we need to guard against two errors that have been 
made in the interests of orthodox Christianity, and that are 
now strongly used in attacking those interests, a. It is some- 
times said, for the purpose of magnifying the miraculous ele- 
ment in revelation, that the Mosaic institutions came sudden- 
ly into being, and were new throughout, Israel having come 
out of Egypt an unorganized mob. On the contrary, the 
scripture account is that these, in every department, incor- 
porate previously existing elements into themselves, b. For 
the purpose of magnifying the freedom of Christianity, as 
contrasted with the older dispensation, stress is often laid 
upon a certain supposed preternatural rigidness with which 
the pentateuchal laws are to be interpreted. This is contrary 
to the whole genius of the Old Testament. The Mosaic leg- 
islation should be understood by a liberal, common sense in- 
terpretation. 

65. The argument from the specific history of the institu- 
tions. — It is alleged : a. That the other Old Testament books 
do not mention the peculiar institutions of the hexateuch. till 
they reach the times of the later Jewish kings, b. That the 
institutions they mention as existing earlier are incompatible 
with those of the hexateuch. c. It is inferred that the hexa- 
teuchal institutions and the books describing them began to 
exist during the times of those kings. 

66. Auxiliary argument from development. — It is alleged 
that the gradual development of the hexateuchal institutions, 
in these later times, can be traced : a. The legislation of J and 
E to the times before Hezekiah and Josiah. b. That peculiar 
to Deuteronomy to these times and later, c. According to 
one view, the priestly legislation begins with Ezekiel ; accord- 
ing to another, Ezek. xl-xlviii (B. C. 572, during the 70 years 
of exile) is a defence of the ancient priestly legislation against 
Deuteronomic innovations. 

67. The argument claims to be cumulative.— They regard it 
as based independently on each of the great institutions, that 
is, on the sacrifices, the priesthood, the sabbath, the national 
feasts, and also on other institutions less important. 



MINOR INSTITUTIONS. 177 

68. Things not claimed in this argument. — Or, if claimed, 
the claim is too weak to deserve consideration, a. It is not 
claimed that no institutions mentioned in the hexateuch are 
spoken of in the accounts of the judges and earlier kings. 
These institutions are frequently spoken of there ; but those 
who press this argument say that they existed, in the earlier 
times, not as the products of the hexateuchal system, but as 
elements, out of which that system was afterward formed. 
h. It is not claimed that the books as they stand fail to testi- 
fy either to the hexateuch or to its institutions. The claim is 
that the parts of the bible that testify thus are either later 
than they seem to be, or else have been subjected to interpo- 
lation. 



LECTURE XI. 

ISRAELITISH INSTITUTIONS. ThE PkOOF. MiNOR INSTANCES. 

69. Limit of treatment. — In presenting the argument from 
the institutions for the late date of the hexateuch, we cannot 
go over the whole ground, but we can cover representative 
sections of it. In the present lecture we will discuss a few 
minor institutions, and in subsequent lectures the great case 
of the central sanctuary. 

70. Tlie cities of refuge. — a. In the hexateuch : first, the 
earlier law (Ex. xxi. 13-14); second, the later law (Num. xxxv. 
6-33, Deut. iv. 41-43, xix. 1-13, Josh, xx, xxi). h. Is the 
earlier in conflict with the later ? c. The cases of Absalom, 
Adonijah, Joab, etc. (2 Sam. xiii. 38-39, etc., xiv. 11, etc., 1 
Ki. i. 50, ii. 28, etc.). d. Do these instances prove that the 
hexateuchal passages had not then been written % 

71. The Yabam. — a. Does the bible represent that the insti- 
tution of levirate marriage originated with Moses (Gen. 
xxxviii. 8, Deut. xxv. 5-10, Ruth i. 15, ii, iii, iv) 'i b. Is the 
institution as it appears in Ruth inconsistent with the law in 
Deuteronomy? 



178 HEXATEUCHAL QUESTIONS. 



72. The goel. — a. The hexateiiclial institution (Gen. xlviii. 
16, Ex. vi. 6, etc.; Lev. xxv. 25-55, xxvii. Num. v. 8, xxxv, 
Deut. xix, Josh. xx). b. Later mention (2 Sam. iii. 27, xiv. 
11, 1 Ki. xvi. 11, Ruth iii, iv, Jer. xxxii. 7-8, Ezek. xi. 15, 
and Hos. xiii. 14, Prov. xxiii. 11, Job xix. 25 and concord- 
ance), c. How does the later mention bear on the question 
whether the hexateucli then existed in writing ? 

73. The Nazirite. — Num. vi. cf. Lev. xxv. 5, 11, Gen. xlix. 
26, Deut. xxxiii. 16. Compare with Jud. xiii. 5, 7, xvi. 17, 
Am. ii. 11, 12, Lam. iv. 7, and the wliole account of Samson 
and Samuel. Does this prove a late date for the pentateuchal 
passages ? 

74. Massehoth.—T\\\^ is regarded as an especially important 
instance — the prohibiting of massehoth (Dent. xvi. 22, Lev. 
xxvi. 1), as distinguished from that of the worship of the false 
gods (Deut. vii 5, xii. 3, etc.), and in alleged contrast with 
Isa. xix 19, Ex. xxiv. 4, Gen. xxviii. 18, 22, etc. This is 
claimed as proof that Deuteronomy is much later than all the 
approving passages. In fact, the " pillar " is at all dates con- 
demned in a certain use in connection with altar w^orship, and 
never in any other use. 



LECTURE XII. 

Peoof from Ijststitutions. General Sanctuary Laws. 

75. Outline of the argument. — If the hexateuch was sub 
stantially completed within the lifetime of a contemporary of 
Moses, then the Mosaic law for a single sanctuary (the centre 
for the sacrifices, the priesthood, and the yearly festivals) was 
in existence throughout the period of the judges, and every 
succeeding period. But it is alleged that the history of the 
judges is not merely silent concerning a central sanctuary, 
but positively disproves its existence in those times; and that 
in the subsequent history the idea can be traced as gradually 
developing, until the sanctuary in its completeness was estab- 



SANCTUARY LAWS. 179 



lished by Hezekiah and Josiah. It is therefore argued that 
the legislation defining the central sanctuary must be as late 
as these times. 

In this lecture we will consider the sanctuary laws, and 
afterward the facts and their bearings. 

76. Sanctuaries and sacrifices before Moses. — a. Abraham, 
Isaac, and Jacob are said to have built altars and offered sac- 
rifices at various places, where Yahweh "appeared," e. g. 
Shechem, Bethel, Hebron, Moriah, Beer-sheba, Mizpeh of 
Gilead (Gen. xii. 6-7, xiii. 4, 18, xxii. 9, xxvi. 25, xxxiii. 20, 
XXXV. 1, 3, 7, xxxi. 54). b. Israel, at the exodus, had priests, 
sacrifices, altars, facilities for approaching " before Yahweh," 
and a "tent of meeting," previous to the building of the " tent 
of meeting" of Sinai (Ex. xix. 22, 6, 24; xviii. 12; xvii. 15, 
xxiv. 4; xvi. 9, xxxiv. 30 sq.; xxxiii. 7-11). 

77. The sanctuary law of Exodus. — During these periods 
the fii^st law for a sanctuary (Ex. xx. 24-26) was applicable. 
Doubtless this law, when given, was a correct digest of exist- 
ing usage ; this did not render it any the less a law divinely 
given. 

78. The sanctuary laiv of Leviticus. — a. During the thirty- 
nine years in the wilderness, and during part of the adminis- 
tration of Joshua, the sanctuary was the movable "tent of 
meeting" at the various stations in the wilderness, and after- 
wards at Gilgal, etc. (see "tabernacle of the congregation" 
in a concordance, also Josh. vi. 24, ix. 23, etc.). b. To Israel 
" in camp " around the tabernacle, applied the second sanc- 
tuary law (Lev. xvii. 1-9). By its terms it applies to all who 
belong to the camp, whether tliey are physically within the 
camp limits or not ; it does not apply to Israelites not living 
in camp around the tent of meeting — e. g. to the two and a 
half tribes residing east of Jordan, during Joshua's war of 
conquest, or to the masses of Israel scattered through the 
wilderness, during the thirty-nine years (Deut. xii. 8). c. 
Apparently, this law might be suspended in case of theoph- 
any, on account of the immediate divine presence. 

79. The sanctuary law of Deuteronomy. — a. Published 



180 HEXATEUCHAL QUESTIONS. 

while Israel was in camp, in the last year of Moses, as a per- 
manent law (Dent. xii. 4-11, xiv. 23, xvi. 2, 6, 11, xxvi 2. Cf. 
Neh. i. 9, Ezra vi. 12, etc.). b. By its text it has four limita- 
tions. First, applicable only in the promised land. Second, 
when Yahweh has given Israel rest from all his enemies round 
about (xii. 10). Third, and has chosen a place for his name 
(11). Fourth, merely private sacrificial feasts are exempted 
(xii. 15, 21). c. In the nature of things, also, the operation 
of the law might be temporarily suspended : first, by the 
presence of the ark in any place ; second, by theophany ; 
third, by special revelation to a prophet. 

80. The construction of these laivs. — It is not fair so to con- 
strue the second and third of these laws as to render them 
contradictory ; nor to construe them as designed to prohibit 
the public worship of Yahweh by sacrifices in all circum- 
stances except those to which the laws apply ; on the contra- 
ry, wherever these two laws are inapplicable, we must infer 
that the law regards the obligation to worship Yahweh as in 
force, and therefore as regulated by the more general precept 
of Ex. XX. 24-26. 



LECTURE XIII. 
Institutions. Central Sanctuary. Shiloh. 

81. Sweeping statejuents. — It is claimed that there are such 
statements declaring that most of the pentateuchal institutions 
were inoperative and therefore nonexistent till late in the his- 
tory, a. Does Neh. ix. 34 affirm that " the Levitical law was 
never observed till after the exile" ? b. Does Neh. viii. 17 
affirm that the feast of tabernacles properly originated in the 
time of Nehemiah ? c. Does 2 Ki. xxiii. 22 and 2 Chron. 
XXXV. 18 affirm that the complete form of the passover feast 
did not exist till Josiah's time ? d. Does Am. v. 25 teach that 
the pentateuchal sacrifices did not exist in the time of Moses 1 
e. How much weight have statements of this kind for reverS' 



TBE SHILOB SANCTUARY. ISl 



ing the direct testimony that the hexateuch originated with 
Moses and Joshua ? 

82. Three periods in the history. — From Joshua to Eli, from 
the death of Eli to the dedication of Solomon's temple, from 
the dedication forward. 

83. Shiloh and Jerusalem. — a. The scriptures especially 
recognize these as the two places of the national sanctuary 
(Jud. xviii. 31, Ps Ixxviii. 60, 67-68, Jer. vii. 12, 14). b. 
But the whole pre-Davidic period is regarded as one in which 
the ' • rest ' ' given by Yahweh was yet incomplete, and in 
which therefore, the sanctuary was wandering (2 Sam. vii. 6, 
1 Chron. xvii. 5). c. Jerusalem is regarded as its first place 
of strictly permanent location ; the connection of the building 
of the temple with the arrival of the promised "rest," and 
the fact that the ' ' rest " was brought about through the con- 
quests of David, are especially emphasized (2 Sam. vii. 1, 11, 
1 Ki. viii. 16, 1 Chron. xxii. 9, 10, 18, etc., xxiii. 25-26, xxviii. 
2, 2 Chron. vi. 5, 41, Ps. cxxxii. 8, 13-14, et al.). d. It is 
represented that others besides David were looking forward to 
this full rest-time (1 Chron. xxvi, 28). 

84. Shiloh in the time of the surviving associates of Moses. 
— a. Before the death of Joshua, it was understood that Yah- 
weh had " given his people rest" (Josh. xxi. 44, xxiii. 1, xxii. 
4); and the tabernacle was located as a central sanctuary at 
Shiloh (Josh, xviii. 1, 6, 8, 9, 10, xix. 51, xxi. 2, xxii. 9, 12, 
19, 29, etc.; but Josh. xxiv. 1, 25-26). h. Its permanent loca- 
tion was at Shiloh in the days of the old age of Phinehas (Jud. 
xxi. 12, 19, 21), though some of its functions were exercised 
temporarily at Bethel, and perhaps elsewhere (Jud. xx. 18, 23, 
26, xxi. 2, but not xix. 18). 

85. Shiloh in EW s time. — a. The sanctuary was a temple at 
Shiloh, with doorposts and doors (I Sam. i. 9, iii. 3, 15, not 
inconsistent with 1 Ki. iii. 2). h. The tabernacle was there, 
presumably within the temple inclosure (ii. 22); and so was 
the ark (iv. 3, 4, 13), the priests, the sacrifices, and one or more 
arinual feasts (i. 3, 9, 21, ii. 13, 14, 19, etc.). c. There was the 
"house of Yahweh" (i. 7, 24, iii. 15); "before Yahweh" (i.. 



182 HEXATEUCHAL QUESTIONS. 

12, 15, 19, 22, ii. 17, 18, 21); and the custom of eating there 
(i. 9 cf. Deut. xii. 7, xiv. 23, 26, 29). d. This sanctuary was 
for Israel (i. 17, ii. 29, 30, 32, iii. 11); for all Israel (ii. 22, 28, 
lii. 20, iv. 1). 

86. The bearing of this testimony. — a. If the record is to 
be believed, Sliiloh was the fulfilling of the Deuteronomic law. 
The marks of identification are indisputable, in spite of the 
fact that the institution is on a scale very inferior to the ideal 
given in Deuteronomy and the priestly legislation, the inferi- 
ority being easily accounted for by the stress of the times. 
b. That the record affirms this the men of the new tradition 
concede. They defend their position by marking some of the 
statements as Deuteronomic or priestly interx3olations, by re- 
jecting some as false, by ignoring others. To justify this they 
affirm that these statements are in contradiction with other 
parts of the record. In particular they cite what the record 
says concerning Samuel at Shiloh, and what it says concerning 
sacrifices at other places than Shiloh. 

87. Samuel and Shiloh. — This case is especially insisted 
upon for proving that the pentateuchal institutions were not 
yet in existence, a. It was a temple at Shiloh, not the tent 
of meeting. Ans. — Both were there, b. Samuel slept in the 
edifice. Ans. — Not in the tent. c. 'No inner sanctuary, and 
consequently no service of atonement. Ans. — Prove it. d. 
Samuel an attendant there, though not of priestly descent. 
Ans. — He was a Levite (1 Sam. i. 1, 1 Chron. vi. 33, etc.). e. 
Samuel became a priest, though not so by descent. Ans. — 
No proof that he ever performed a priestly act ; if he did, it 
may have been in virtue of his authority as prophet, f. He 
wore a highpriest's ephod and robe, though a little boy. 
Ans. — No, a little boy's ephod and robe (ii. 18, 19). 

88. Alleged instances of other sanctuaries. — Can you find 
any alleged instance of an altar or sacrifice away from the cen- 
tral sanctuary, to which one of the following explanations does 
not apply ? a. No altar or sacrifice is mentioned in connec- 
tion with the instance (Jud. xi. 11). b. The altar or sacrifice 
is said to be illegal, or at least is not mentioned with approval 



THE SANCTUARY AFTER ELL 163 

(Jud. viii. 27 et al.). c. Or the instances are of merely me- 
morial altars, or of private sacrifices, or are otherwise not with- 
in the terms of the law (Josh. viii. 30, xxii. 10, 23, 26, 27 cf. 1 
Sam. ix. 12-J3, xx. 6, etc.). d. Or the circumstances were 
such that the conditions of ' ' rest ' ' and of an accessible place 
chosen by Yahweh for his name did not exist. In other 
words, the law was, by its very terms, in abeyance. In such 
a case, it is not to be assumed that the intention was to pro- 
hibit worshiping Yahweh at all by public sacrifice. Worship 
by sacrifice would still be legal, very likely under the older 
law (Ex. XX. 24-26). See 1 Ki. xviii. 30-32, xix. 10, 14, and 
some of the sacrifices of the time of Samuel or Saul. e. Or 
the instance is a case of theophany, or of the presence of the 
ark, or of direct revelation through a prophet (Jud. ii. 5, vi. 
11-28, xiii. 16 sq., xx. 26, etc.). 



LECTURE XIV. 

Institutions. Central Sanctuary. After Shiloii. 

89. The sanctuary after the death of Eli. — The history of 
the sanctuary is here obscure, till David established it in Jer- 
usalem, a. Some say, in the interest of orthodoxy, that the 
Philistines destroyed Shiloh, directly after they captured the 
ark. No proof. b. Others say, in the same interest, that 
Israel had no central sanctuary during this period. Incon- 
sistent with 1 Sam. x. 25, xxi. 1 and xxii. 9, 11, 19, xxi. 6, 7, 
9 (7, 8, 10), Mat. xii. 3-4, Mark ii. 26, Luke vi. 3-4. The 
statement should be that Israel had no such central sanctuary 
as rendered the observance of the Deuteronomic law possible. 
c. After its return by the Philistines, the ark w^as in the cus- 
tody of the men of Kiriath-jearim. either in a hill near that 
city, or perhaps in the city of Gibeah (1 Sam. vi. 21, vii. 1, 2, 
2 Sam. vi. 2, 1 Chron. xiii. 3-6). But even during: this time, 
the ark was not wholly out of the charge of the high priest (1 
Sam. xiv. 3, 18, not contradictory to 1 Chron. xiii. 3). d. 



iU ilEXATEUCHAL QUESTIONS, 

During the early part of Saul's reign, Gilgal was a place (per- 
haps ^/ie place) of national sacrifice (1 Sam. x. 8, xi. 14-15, 
xiii. 4, 8-12, 15, xv. 12, 15, etc.). e. Later, some of the sanct- 
uary functions, at least, were located at Nob (xxi, xxii.). /. 
In the latter part of David's reign, the sanctuary and taber- 
nacle were at Gibeon, the ark being then at Jerusalem (1 Ki. 
iii. 4-5, ix. 2, 2 Chron. i. 3-5, 6, 13 and v. 5, 1 Chron. xvi. 
39-40, xxi. 29, 2 Sam. vi, vii, etc.). 

90. What is said to have become of the tabernacle. — Two 
words for the same thing are ohel and mishkan. a. In exist- 
ence up to David's time (2 Sam. vii. 6, " ohel and mishkan ; " 
1 Chron. xvii. 5, ' • From ohel to ohel and from mishkan to 
mishkan^^). b. Formerly at Shiloh (1 Sam. ii. 22 [ohel], Ps. 
Ixxviii. 60 [mish. aud ohel]). c. Both expressions are famil- 
iar in the psalms attributed to the times of David (see " taber- 
nacle " in a concordance), d. First, set up by David at Gibeon 
(1 Chron. xvi. 39, xxi. 29, 2 Chron. i. 5 [mish.]; 1 Chron. xxiii. 
32, 2 Chron. i. 3, 6, 13 [ohel]). Second, with brasen altar that 
Bezaleel made (2 Chron. i. 5-6, 1 Chron. xxi. 29, cf. 1 Chron. 
xvi. 40). Third, services held Lhere (1 Chron. vi. 32, 48 [1'7, 
33] [mish.]; vi. 32 [17], ix. 19, 21, 23 [ohel]). Fourth, func- 
tion of Levites changed from carrying the mish. (1 Chron. 
xxiii. 26). e. The statements of 1 Ki. are less full, but are 
explicit. First, the altar at Gibeon, and the great place of 
sacrifice there (iii. 4). Second, ' ' the tent of Yahweh ' ' and 
"the horns of the altar", accessible, and a place of refuge (ii. 
28, 29, 30). Third, "the horn of oil from the tent" (i. 39). 
It is not important whether this oil, or that of 1 Sam. xvi. 1, 
13, are to be identified with " the anointing oil " of Ex., Le^., 
and Num. /. Both Kings and Chronicles say that the tent 
and its furnishings were carried up, with the ark, to Solo- 
mon's temple (1 Ki. viii. 4, 2 Chron. v. 5). g. From that time, 
the ohel or mishkan is thought of as merged in the temple 
(2 Chron. xxix. 6 [mish.] and concordance). 

91. Allegations to discredit the record. — a. That the sacri- 
fices of Israel at this time were offered at many places, all 
equally counted as legal. But all the recorded instances are 



THE TEMPLE AS THE SANCTUARY. 185 

either at the place that was at the time siipposably the sanc- 
tuary (Qa. 89det'), or were before the ark (1 Sam. vi. 14-15, 2 
Sam. vi. 13, 17, 18), or were cases of theophany or of special 
prophetic revelation (1 Sam. vii. 9-10, xvi. 1-5, 2 Sam. xxiv. 
21-25), or of private sacrificial feasts (1 Sam. ix. 12-13, xx. 6, 
29, 2 Sam. xv. 7-12. b. That the ritaal practices of the time 
violate the pentateuchal laws. But there is no proof that 
David's ephod (2 Sam. vi. 14) was priestly, nor that he or 
Samuel or Saul ever performed priestly acts. His sons being 
priests and his carrying the ark on a cart (2 Sam. viii. 18, vi. 
3) were incorrect, but after the rebuke through Uzzah's death 
he corrected one error (2 Sam. vi. 13, 1 Chron. xv. 2, 15), and 
presumably the other. 

92. Solomon's temple.— a. The scriptures represent that 
from the time it was built it was the sanctuary and the place 
of the ark (Qus. 83, 90, 2 Ki, xxi. 7, etc.). h. But that the 
highplace worship was illegally practiced in Judah till the 
reign of Hezekiah (1 Ki. xi. 7-8, xiv. 21-23, xv. 11-14, xxii. 
43, 2 Ki. xii. 3, xv. 4, 35, xvi. 4, etc.). c. That Hezekiah sup- 
pressed it, succeeding where his predecessors had failed (2 Ki. 
xviii. 3-4, 2 Chron. xxix-xxxii). d. That the worship in the 
highplaces in northern Israel, particularly the calf worship of 
Yahweh in Bethel and Dan, was rebellion against Yahweh (1 
Ki. xii. 26-28, 31, 32, xiii. 2, 32, 33, 38, 2 Ki. xvii. 9, etc. and 

1 Ki. xiv. 16, XV. 26, 30, 34, etc.). e. That the strictly proper 
course for a northern Israelite was to remain true to the Jeru- 
salem sanctuary (1 Ki. xii. 27, xv. 17, 2 Chron. xi. 13-17, xiii. 
9 sq., XV. 9, xix. 4, etc.). /. That there might be circum- 
stances, however, in which a plurality of altars was proper for 
northern Israelites (1 Ki. xix. 10, 14, xviii. 30-33 cf. Ex. xx. 25, 
Deut. xxvii. 5, Josh. viii. 31). 

93. The contrary view, held by the new tradition. —a. That 
the highplace worship, up to the time of Hezekiah, was the 
normal religion of both Israel and Judah, the Jerusalem tem- 
ple being only one of many highplaces. b. In proof is cited 
the testimony of Sennacherib (2 Ki. xviii. 22, Isa. xxxvi. 7, 

2 Chron. xxxii. 12), but this is inadequate. c. In further 



186 HEXATEUCHAL QUESTIONS. 

proof is cited the alleged testimony of the contemporary 
prophets. But on the contrary, the prophets condemn the 
highplace worship as distinctly as do the historical books (e. g. 
Amos. iii. 14, iv. 4, v. 5-6, vii. 9, 13, viii. 14, Hos. x. 8 ; and 
they yield no different evidence except under forced interpre- 
tation. 

94. The biblical explanation of the facts. — If we accept the 
testimony of the bible as proving the existence of the high- 
place worship, we ought to pay some respect to the testimony 
of the very same passages in explanation of the fact that the 
worship existed. From the time when the central altar was 
set up in Shiloh, the bible nowhere represents that altar wor- 
ship elsewhere was in itself approved by Yahweh. a. It was 
tolerated, under the compulsion of circumstances (1 Ki. iii. 2). 
b. It is condemned as always incorrect, and as showing, when 
practiced by preference, the rebellious disposition of Israel. 
For both Judah and Israel the condemnation is formal, and 
often repeated (Qus. 92, 93). c. In the books of Judges, Ruth 
and Samuel, the condemnation is not as formal as in Kings, 
but that does not prove that these earlier authors regarded 
the practice as legal. 

95. The facts summed up.~a. If it were proved that the 
central sanctuary law was mainly inoperative until the reign 
of Hezekiah, it would still remain possible that the laws 
might have been written in the time of Moses ; he might have 
this idea in his mind, with i)erfect clearness, and might com- 
mit it to writing, even if his successors for centuries failed to 
reduce it to practice. If there was development in later times, 
it may have been development in doing what the ancient law 
required. The proof fails, even if the fact be admitted, unless 
the details are such as to furnish the required evidence. 6. 
But the details actually show that the idea of one central 
sanctuary for all Israel was in existence, and in limited opera- 
tion, from Joshua on. And if the idea, however imperfectly 
realized, was in existence, it clearly may have existed in the 
form of a written law. 

96. Conclvsion. — In fine, the net outcome of our study of 



LATE ELEMENTS. 187 



the institutions of Israel is that the history of these institu- 
tions strongly confirms the testimony to the early date of the 
hexatench, instead of overthrowing that testimony. 



LECTURE Xy. 
Late Elements in the Hexateuch. 

97. Fifth alignment in the negative : from postmosaic ele- 
ments. — We are now to look at the passages in the hexateuch 
which are adduced as referring to events later than the time 
of Moses and Joshua, and as therefore proving the later date 
of these writings a. The alleged instances of this kind may 
be arranged in two classes : first, events which are claimed as 
of late date, but only on proof that depends on the historical 
theory of the new tradition ; second, events that are late irre- 
spective of theories of the history, c. We have already (Lec- 
tures X-XIV) sufficiently considered the instances of the first 
of these classes — for example the prohibition of masseboth, or 
the requirement of a central sanctuary — and are now ready 
to consider those of the second class. There are some hun- 
dreds of them, falling into about fifty groups. 

98. Not a new ^/^m^. — The recognition of these instances is 
not a recent device of the advocates of the new views on the 
bible. Most of the instances have been noticed in the church 
traditions of the past, and explained as either predictive or 
as annotations by later and unknown hands. 

99. Points to notice. — It is convenient to take Phinehas 
(OTS 161) as a typical surviving associate of Moses. In the 
instances we have to examine, answer three questions : a. Is 
the fact mentioned certainly later than the death of Moses ? 
6. Is it certainly later than the death of Phinehas ? c. Is the 
passage properly a part of the text ? or is it a note ? 

100. A group of important events. — a. The death of Joshua 
and the elders (Josh. xxiv. 29, 31, 33) brings the history up to 
the old age of Phinehas. b. The capture of Leshem, with the 



188 HEXATEUCBAL QUESTIONS. 

change of name to Dan (Josh. xix. 47). Dan is mentioned in 
both Deuteronomy (xxxiv. 1) and Genesis (xiv. 14). Details 
are given in Judges (xviii and xx. 1, 28), from which it appears 
that the capture occurred within the lifetime of Phmehas. 
c. Jacob's blessing on his sons (Gen. xlix. 1-28) contains 
allusions to the geographical location of the tribes in Pales- 
tine. If not miraculously predictive, it was written after the 
distribution of the land under Joshua, but not necessarily 
later than the lifetime of Phinehas. d. It has been asserted 
that the details in the account of the manna (Ex. xvi. Num. 
xi. 6-13) indicate that the author lived later than the events ; 
and, further, that he was still alive after the manna ceased 
(Ex. xvi. 35, Josh. v. 12). If so, he outlived Moses, but there 
is no proof that he outlived Phinehas. e. Deuteronomy con- 
tains a law for mas, that is, forced labor by aliens (xx. 11 cf . 
Ex. i. 11, Gen. xlix. 15). In Joshua it is said that this law 
was extended to the Canaanites who remained among the 
Israelites (xvi. 10, xvii. 13, mainly repeated in Jud. i. 28, 30, 
33, 35. Add Josh, ix, though the word is not there used). 
Have we here proof that these parts of the hexateuch are later 
than Solomon (1 Ki. v. 13-14 [27-28], ix. 15, 21, etc.)« There 
is no absurdity in supposing that this policy had already been 
adopted in the time of Phinehas (see Jud. ii. 1-5, xix. 11, 
Josh. XV. 63). /. The book of Jashar (Josh. x. 13, 2 Sam. i. 
18, but not the Greek of 1 Ki. viii. 53) seems to have been a 
collection of hero songs. It may have been a growing collec- 
tion, and therefore may have been in existence at a very early 
date, though additions were made to it as late as the time of 
David, g. "The hill country of Israel and its lowland." 
" From all the hill country of Judah and from all the hill 
country of Israel" (Josh. xi. 16, 21). As the Anakim were 
especially formidable in Judah, this may mean the hill coun- 
try of Judah and of the rest of Israel (cf . Benjamin and Israel 
in Jud. XX. 39, 41, etc.). Hence this phraseology does not 
necessarily prove a late date. 

101. Certain uses of geographical names. — a. By a con- 
cordance look up Bethel and Luz in the hexateuch. Luz was 



LATE ELEMENTS. 189 



the city, and Bethel the place of worship near by, the name 
of the city being changed to Bethel after the death of Joshua 
(Jud. i. 22-26). With these facts compare the use of the name 
Bethel in Gen. xii. 8, 8, xiii. 3, 3, Josh. vii. 2, viii. 9, 12, 17, 
xii. 9, 16, etc., and the use of Luz in Gen. xxxv. 6. b. Eph- 
rath, Ephratah (Gen. xxxv. 16, 19, xlviii. 7, 1 Chron. ii. 19, 
50, iv. 4). c. Hormah (Deut. i. 44, Num. xiv. 45, xxi. 3, 
Jud. i. 17). d, Hebron (concordance), e. Debir (Josh. x. 
38, 39, etc., cf. xv. 15, 49, Jud. i. 11). /. The list of names in 
Num. xxvi. g. Havvoth Jair (Deut. iii. 14, Num. xxxii. 41, 
Jud. X. 4). h. Jerusalem (Josh. x. 1 and eight other places). 
The name is on the El-am arna tablets, i. Cabul (Josh. xix. 
27, 1 Ki. ix. 13). j. Agag (Num. xxiv. 7). 

102. Other instances. — a. Death of Moses (Deut. xxxiv. 5). 
b. "Not a prophet since," etc. (Deut. xxxiv. 10). c. Passages 
v^here "until this day" occurs. First, in Gen. xlviii. 15, Ex. 
X. 6, Josh. xxii. 3, 17, xxiii. 8, 9, the phrase indicates a date 
in the times of Joshua or earlier. Second, how is it in Gen. 
xxii. 14, xxvi. 33, xxxv. 20, xlvii. 26, Deut. ii. 22, iii. 14, 
xxxiv. 6, Josh. vii. 26, viii, 28, 29, ix. 27, x. 2"/, xiii. 13, xiv. 
14, XV. 63, xvi. 10? d. Passages where Moses is spoken of in 
the third person. He may have been the author. What is 
the probability ? e. Pentateuchal passages that compliment 
Moses (Num. xii. 3, Deut. xxxiv. 10, etc.). 



LECTURE Xyi. 

Late Elemejstts ii^r the Hexateuch. Coi^TiisruED. 

103. Instances in which Israelite kings are mentioned. — 
a. Legislation concerning them (Deut. xvii. 14-20, xxviii. 36). 
Mere political sagacity might lead to such prevision as rhis ; 
and all the more on the part of men who believed that God 
had promised that kings should descend from Abraham and 
from Jacob (Gen. xvii. 6, 16, xxxv. 11). b. W^hat is said con- 
cerning the Edomite kings (Gen. xxxvi, especially 31). First, 



190 HEXATEUCHAL QUESTIONS. 



no proof, from names or otherwise, that any of these kings 
were later than the events of the hexateuch. Second, no proof 
that there were kings ia Israel before it was written. 

104. Certain geographical phrases. — a. ' 'Across the Jordan' ' 
to denote the country east of Jordan (Dent. i. 1 and many 
other places). Compare " beyond Jordan " or " Perea " (Mat. 
iv. 25, xix. 1, Mc. iii. 8, x. 1, Jo. i. 28, etc.) or the current ex- 
pression " trans- Jordanic ". Compare also "across the E-iver" 
(Ezra iv. 10, 11, 16, 17, 20, v. 3, 6, viii. 36, Neh. ii. 7, 9, iii. 7, 
etc.). h. " Negebward " for south (Ex. xxvi. 18, xxvii. 9, 
etc.). c. " Seaw^ard " for westward (Deut. iii. 27, Gen. xii. 8 
and fourteen other places). These three geographical terms 
denote, not that the author was in Palestine west of the Jordan 
when he wrote, but that the Hebrew language originated there. 
Hence they have no bearing on the question of date. 

105. Other Deuteronomic instances. — a. "As Israel has done 
to the land of his possession " (ii. 12). b. " Within thy gates " 
(v. 14, xii. 12 and many instances, Ex. xx. 10). c. Removing 
landmarks (xix. 14, xxvii. 17). d. Military enlistments (xx. 
5-9). e. Return to Egypt in ships (xxviii. 68 cf. Jer. xliii. 7). 
/. Central judiciary (xvii. 8 sq., 2 Chron. xix. 8-11). g. 

"Host of heaven" (iv. 19, xvii. 3). Is this necessarily a late 
form of idolatry ? h. Og's bedstead (iii. 11). i. Hermon, Sir- 
ion, Senir (iii. 9). j. Grilgal (xi. 30 cf. Josh. v. 9). 

106. Yet other instances.— a. The conquests of Caleb (Josh. 
XV. 13-19, Jud. i. 8-15 cf. Josh. x. 36-39). b. " The Canaanite 
being then in the land" (Gren. xii. 6, xiii. 7). c. " While the 
sons of Israel were in the wilderness " (Num. xv. 32). d. 'J'he 
land of the Hebrews " (Gen. xl. 15). e. The gap in the chron- 
ology (Num. XX. 1). /. The condition of Assyria and Nineveh, 
when these writings were made (Gen. ii. 14, x. 11-12, xxv. 18). 
g. "The mountain of Yahweh" (Gen. xxii. 14). h. Like 
phraseology (Ex. xv. 13, 17). 

107. The creation and flood narratives. — To these there are 
parallel Babylonian accounts, transmitted to us through 
Assyrian sources, differing from the Hebrew accounts mainly 
by the presence of polytheistic and grotesque elements. It is 



DATE AS INFERRED FROM THE PARTITION. 191 



held that our bible narratives are these Babylonian accounts 
purified, and therefore date from the time of the Assyrian 
contact with Israel in the reign of Ahab and later, a. Israel 
was in contact with Babylonia from the days of Abraham, b. 
The more probable theory is that the biblical accounts are 
nearest the original form, the Babylonian accounts being 
corruptions. 

108. Conclusion. — There is much difference of opinion in 
regard to many of the instances ; it seems evident, however, 
that elements later than the life of Moses are scattered through 
the six books. They are so numerous that they cannot be 
regarded as annotations of unknown date, without seriously 
impugning the integrity of the writings. They affect all the 
books. Few of them, however, perhaps none, are of later 
date than the lifetime of Phinehas. 

This is not merely a refutation of objections, but is of the 
nature of positive evidence that the hexateuch was completed 
at about that date. If the date were later, marks of it would 
appear, just as the marks of the events up to the time of 
Phinehas appear in the narratives concerning the patriarchs. 



LECTURE XVII. 
The Partition. Its BEAHii^a on the Question of Date. 

109. Sixth argument in the negative : from the partition. — 
Suppose one accepts as correct the current partition of the 
hexateuch into the parts known as J and E and D and P, with 
their various strata and redactions, what bearing will that have 
on the question of the dates ? In the present lecture we will 
consider this aspect of the case, and in subsequent lectures 
the subject of the partition itself. 

110. The partition gives no new marks of date. — a. There 
is nothing in the separated parts that was not in the whole 
before the separation. The arguments based on the partition 
fire mostly a mere repetition of those which we have already 



193 HEXATEUCHAL QUESTIONS. 

considered, b. It is said that the minute study required by 
the analysis adds force to the arguments by calling attention 
to them in detail. But that only emphasizes their weakness 
provided they are really weak. 

111. The documents extend through the books. — a. Itissaid 
that the documents J and E and D and F run through the six 
books, showing that all four of them were as late as the career 
of Joshua or later, and the compilation of the hexateuch from 
them later still, b. The statement needs modification, but if 
it were completely true it would not disprove the Mosaic char- 
acter of the contents of the hexateuch, nor prove that it was 
completed later than the time of Phinehas. 

112. The documents as restored. — It is alleged that when 
the several papers J, E, D, P, are restored to their original 
form, they display such differences as prove that they origin- 
ated in different conditions of civilization, many generations 
apart. But as long as it is in dispute whether J is earlier 
than E, or the reverse, and whether the successive Ps are 
earlier or later than D, this argument can have little weight. 
And the situations as to civilization are really no farther apart 
after the dissection of the record than before. 

113. The several documents as affiliated with historical 
facts. — Or with certain books, as those of Samuel or Kings or 
Ezekiel or Ezra and Nehemiah. If these marks of date are 
not in the hexateuch taken as a whole, they will not be in it 
after it is separated into parts. Arguments of this sort drawn 
from the partition are nothing but variant statements of the 
arguments from the institutions and from the post-mosaic 
elements. 

114. Converging probabilities. — In the processes of the par- 
tition historical considerations are brought into contact with 
linguistic and other literary data, thus giving opportunity for 
combining independent probabilities. That " when a number 
of probabilities converge in a common conclusion, their strength 
in combination is much greater than ' ' it would otherwise be 
{Hexateuch, p. 14) is a correct law of reasoning. As we study 
the partition we must watch for applications of this law. The 



PROOFS THAT THE PARTITION IS VALID. 193 

value of converging probabilities, however, dejjends much on 
the question whether they have to be bent in order to make 
them converge. 



LECTURE XVIII. 
The Partition. General Proofs of its Validity. 

115. Bearings. — The following two arguments are valid for 
proving that the hexateuch had sources. There would be no 
objection to conceding that they prove the existence of J, E, 
D, P as sources, provided this question be separated from that 
of the untruthfulness and the late date of the records. In 
fact, however, they prove nothing in favor of the alleged four 
documents. 

116. The variety of style. — a. It is alleged that the differ- 
ences of literary character are so great, in different parts of 
the hexateuch, as to indicate that they are by different 
authors, of different historical periods, b. The differences are 
really quite marked ; but on the supposition that the hexa- 
teuch was completed within the lifetime of the associates of 
Moses, several things go to account for the differences. First, 
a man writes differently on different subjects, and especially 
in different classes of composition. Second, a man's style 
changes as he grows older. Third, there is no telling how 
many older papers may have been incorporated ; compilation 
was possible in early times, as well as later. Fourth, in writing, 
and especially in writing laws, orders, etc. , and digesting older 
documents, public men like Moses, Joshua, and Phinehas are 
likely to have employed, not merely amanuenses, but secre- 
taries, c. That the differences are such as to indicate that the 
authors lived in different ages is incapable of proof, d. Of 
course, the accounts were written later than the events, and 
put together later than the date when they were written ; but 
so far as appears, not much later. 

117. The analogies of other literature. — It is alleged that 
other pieces of literature have originated by the process of ac- 



194 HEXATEUCHAL QUESTIONS. 

cumulation, layer upon layer, and that this favors the idea of 
a like origin for the hexateuch. a. Homer has heretofore been 
the gi'eat instance, but this instance is now withdrawn, b. In 
Hex. {The Hexateuch^ London, 1900) the following instances 
are cited. First, the other parts of the Old Testament (pp. 1, 
11-13), Second. Asser's Life of Alfred, and other monastic 
chronicles (4-5), Third, the collections of early English laws 
(5-6). Fourth, the Buddhistic and Brahmanical sacred writ- 
tings (6-8.) Fifth, Tatian's Diatessaron (8-11). 

118. The value of this argument. — a. Reasoning of this sort 
is incapable of being conclusive. At most, such analogies les- 
sen an improbability; they never prove a fact. b. As bearing on 
a theory of the composition of the hexateuch, the inferences 
to be drawn are only general, not specific, c. The alleged facts 
concerning the analagous instances include a large element of 
mere theory, d. None of the cases mentioned is at all points 
analagous with that of the hexateuch. 

119. Alleged inconsistencies. — The instances that are used 
for proving the untrustworthiness of the statements of the 
hexateuch (Lect. IX) are also used in proof of the composite 
character of the text. It is held that these numerous alleged 
inconsistencies are to be accounted for by the hypothesis of 
different sources, a. This might not be a good account of the 
inconsistencies, if they were as numerous as alleged, b. As a 
matter of fact, the inconsistencies do not exist. In testing the 
alleged instances fi.YQ things should be remembered. First, 
provided these accounts are historical, they are not complete 
histories, but statements of a few facts, selected for the relig- 
ious lessons they teach. Second, they belong to the category 
of pictorial writing, and are to be tested accordingly. Third, 
these two considerations will account for variations in the order 
in which events are mentioned. Fourth, other things being 
equal, the interpretation which agrees with all parts of an 
account is to be preferred. Fifth, the final authors of the 
hexateuch, whoever they were, were not idiots, and their ideas 
of what was true and consistent should not be utterly disre^ 
garded, 



DOUBLETS AND SEAMS. 195 

120. Test instances. — a. In the liglit of these principles exam- 
ine the alleged contradictions between Gen. i-ii. 3 and Gen. 
ii. 4-iv. b. Between Gen. ii. 4-iv and Gen. v. 



LECTURE XIX. 
The Paktition. Makks or Jujs^ction. 

121. Duplicated sections of an account. — a. Study carefully 
Gen. vi. 13-22 and vii. 1-5; Gen. vii. 6-10 and 11-16; Gen. viii. 
20-22 and ix.1-7. b. It is plausible at least to account for 
these doublets by saying that the author copied alternately 
from two earlier accounts, c. Is there proof that the accounts 
were contradictory? 

122. Duplicated narratives.— These play an exceedingly 
prominent part in the case of the men of the new tradition. 
But the instances are not clear, a. Deuteronomy i-iv and 
v-xi are not duplicates of parts of Exodus, but discourses based 
on the facts as given in Exodus. The speaker assumed that his 
auditors were familiar with the facts as given in Exodus, so that 
there was no need for him to repeat them except as his purpose 
demanded. When one attends to this the apparent discrepan- 
cies vanish, b. Genesis ii. 4-iv is not a duplicate of Gen. i-ii. 
3, but a supplementary account, starting from the events of 
the third-sixth day, as given in the first account, c. Gen. xv 
and xvii are not duplicate accounts of the giving of a covenant, 
but accounts of two different covenant solemnities, d. Gen. 
xii. 11-20, XX, xxvi. 6-11, are not three variant accounts of an 
event, but accounts of three somewhat similar events, e. So 
with other alleged instances. 

123. Seams. — a. Abrupt transitions from prose to poetry 
or the reverse, or from any style of waiting to a marked dif- 
ferent style, b. Repetitions or rough syntax combined with 
capability of dissection, c. Explain these phenomena in Gen. 
xxxvii. 28, ii. 10-15, iii. 22-iv. 15, etc. 

124. Points to be heeded, — a. I^ot every rough juncture or 



196 HEXATEUCHAL QUESTIONS. 

every repetition of phraseology is an indication of plural sourc- 
es; but only those that are better accounted for in this way 
than in any other, b. In marks of this kind, taken by them- 
selves, there is nothing to indicate whether the final author 
drew directly from the original sources, or used intermediate 
documents, c. Explanations of the phenomena are vicious in 
proportion as they needlessly assume that the statements are 
inconsistent. 



LECTURE XX. 
The Partitiot^. Coivtceptual Crtteeia, 

125. Classes of criteria. — The criteria by which scholars 
claim to determine which parts of the hexateuch belongs to 
respectively to J, E, D and P, may be arranged in three 
classes — the conceptual, the linguistic and the historical. 

126. The conception of God as expressed in the use of the 
divine names. — a. Only J, it is said, uses the personal name 
Yahweh from the beginning. 6. P uses the abstract name 
Elohim, " deity", till he reaches the period when Grod reveals 
himself to Moses as Yahweh. Until then he recognizes no 
worship of the supreme being by sacrifice, c. E for the time 
before Moses uses the name Elohim, and avoids the name 
Yahweh, but recognizes worship by sacrifice. 

In Gen. i, iv, xxii, point out these peculiarities. 

127. Alleged basis of fact for this distinction. — Read Gen. 
xvii and Ex. vi. 2-8. The Exodus passage is cited as affirming 
that the name Yahweh was unknown to men until Moses. 
What it actually says is that in the covenant of circumcision 
God did not use this name, but the less significant name El 
Shaddai. 

128. The manner of GoW s manifestation. — a. In J and E 
God appears in the form of a man or angel, and attended by 
angels. He uses means, both natural and miraculous. He has 
feelings analagous to human feelings. He tests men, and is 



LITERARY CRITERIA. 197 

tested by them. He authenticates himself by symbols, the 
burning bush, the pillar of fire, the lamp X3assing between the 
pieces. In P, on the contrary, all this is absent. God thinks 
and plans and promises, but no mention is made of the links 
that intervene between his fiat and the resulting product. As 
to men, he commands, and expects obedience, b. J and E use 
local terms in speaking of God, while P speaks of him as uni- 
versal, as dealing with all flesh, as eternal in his relations, and 
infinite in his holiness, c. These differences are sharp enough, 
but whether they indicate difference of authorship is another 
question. It has always been a usual thing that a theist shall 
emphasize both these ways of thinking of the supreme being. 
129. Other instances. — Many similar arguments are used, 
based on a large variety of subjects {Hex. pp. 56-61). Re- 
garded as charges of inconsistency or contradiction, they all 
break down on examination. Regarded as proving variant 
points of view in the authorship of the hexateuch, many of 
them have genuine value. How far this indicates difference 
of authorship is another question. Concerning some things 
every person has more than one point of view, and Shakespeare 
was not the first myriad minded man. 



LECTURE XXI. 
The Partition. Lii^guistic Criteria. 

130. Examples for practice. — a. Look up in some work, e. 
g. Driver, especially pp. 131-135 (pp. 123-128 of ed. of 1891), or 
Hex. pp. 34-38, 61-67, 183-221). h. Read Gen. xvii, xix, xx, 
XV, applying the criteria, and dissecting the narrative into J 
and E and P. 

131. The nature of the criteria, of this class. — a. They are 
of the same general character as those instanced above (Qus. 
32-39) as literary corroborations of the testimony, h. But 
their value largely depends on the number of the instances, 
and is greatly reduced when the blocks of literature compared 
are too small to furnish a sufficient number. 



LECTURE XXII. 

The Partition. Histoeical Criteria. 

132. Relative importance. — With one accord the advocates 
of the new tradition recognize this as by far the most important 
class of criteria. 

133. Criteria from hexateuchal events. — See Hex. pp. 45-56, 
or other works, a. J and E speak of sacrifices before Moses, 
P does not. b. J and E of many places of sacrifice, P of one 
only. c. J and E of minhah in general sense, P in sense of meal 
offering, d. J and E only of minhah, burnt offering and 
peace offering, D of additional forms of sacrifice, and P of yet 
others, e. E of tent of meeting outside the camp, P in the 
camp. /. J a different decalogue, and a different account of 
the ark. g. J and E no separate priesthood, D Levites, P 
priests and Levites. h. J and E one set of national feasts, B 
a different set, P a set still different, i. E, D and P three 
different laws for the seventh year and ' ' release " . j. Variant 
laws concerning slaves. 

Read extensively, applying these and the other criteria, and 
see whether you can work out the partition for yourself. 

134. Criteria from extrahexateuchal events. — The alleged 
connection of various things in the hexateuch with the events 
of the post-Mosaic history has been discussed (Lects. X-XYI). 
Add the argument from Ezekiel (xl-xlviii, especially xliv. 6- 
16, Driver p. 139). Does this prove that up to Josiah's time 
the distinction between priests and Levites was unknown? 



LECTURE XXIII. 

Conclusions. 



135. Results as stated in the Polychrome Bible. — a. The 
following passages conform to the criteria of P (i-ii. 3, xi. 10- 
26, xxiii). No other complete passages, and very few pass- 



CONCLUSIONS. 199 



ages of as many as 1 5 verses, conform to the criteria of either 
P or J or E or JE, until they have been reduced to conformity 
by hypothetical changes of text (e. g. ii. 4b. 5, 7, etc., iii. 1, iv. 
22, 25, xii. 6, 9, xvii. 1, etc. b. Taken in blocks of 15 or more 
verses, about one third of the contents of Genesis can be made 
to conform to the criteria of either J or E or P, without very 
extensive changes (e. g. ii. 16-iii. 19, v, ix. 1-17, xvii, etc.). 
c. The remaining two thirds consists of mixed passages, which 
can be made to conform to the criteria only by conjectural 
dissections, aided by unlimited harmonizing hypotheses. It 
is througli these processes that a fairly consistent result is 
reached. 

136. The claim as to the order of the documents. — a. That 
D presupposes J and E, and P presupposes D. From this the 
alleged late dates are interred, b. But, first, if this were 
made out, it would not prove that many years intervened be- 
tween the successive documents. Second, it is made out only 
by a large use of harmonizing hypotheses. In particular, as 
the evidence reaches us, P is largely presupposed by D (Driver 
pp. 135-140, Hex. pp. 66-78). The silence of D concerning the 
tent of meeting and concerning circumcision is to be accounted 
for by the circumstances, and not by ignorance on the part 
of the author. 

137. Things proved and things not proved. — a. The phe- 
nomena make it clear that the hexateucli drew from a plurali- 
ty of sources, b. They show that these sources may suppos- 
ably have existed in the alleged forms of J, E, D and P ; but 
they lack much of showing that they actually so existed. 
Other hypotheses are possible, c. Those parts of the arga- 
ment which attribute contradictions and late dates to the 
several parts of the hexateucli are an utter failure. 

138. The argument summed up. — The doctrine that the 
hexateuch was substantially completed within the lifetime of 
men associated with Moses is in itself simple, and is supported 
by a large body of testimony, strongly corroborated. The 
weakest point in its defences is the fact that many of the 
phenomena need explanation in order to show that they are in 



300 bexateucbal questions. 

agreement with it. But a larger proportion of the phenomena 
need explanation, and need it to a greater extent, to harmon- 
ize them with the doctrine of the new tradition ; while that 
doctrine is in itself complicated, and is in contradiction with 
the corroborated testimony. This seems to me a fair statement 
of the case as a whole. If it is so, the case goes against the 
new tradition. 



Questions for Review. 

4. What is the most important question at issue concerning the hexateuch ? 

5. On what basis is this question to be settled ? 

6. What is the reason for considering the testimony at length ? 

7. Mention the parts of the book of Deuteronony. 

8. Give the substance of the general title. 

9. Mention the ways in which the first discourse claims Moses for author. 

10. a. Describe the two parts of the second discourse, bed. Mention the 
ways in which it claims Mosaic authorship. 

11. Give an account of the third discourse and its claims as to authorship. 

12. The same for the two poems. 

13. a. Speak of the implication that Moses gave these discourses in 
writing, b. How about the law of blessing and cursing? c. The song? 
d. Give an account of the "book of the law." e. Of the term " the law" as 
used in Deuteronomy. 

14. Show what this book of the law probably was, and what it was not. 

15. Speak of other writings attributed to Moses. 

16. Speak of Joshua as a writer. 

17. a. What are the facts affirmed in this testimony? b. How do the old 
tradition and the new differ in their estimate of it ? 

19. a. Where and in whose custody was the book of the law to be kept? 

b. For what purpose ? c. Prove that it was so kept and used in Joshua's time. 
d. Show that it was open to additions after the death of Moses. 

20. What does the new tradition allege as to the testimony of Judges and 
Samuel to the hexateuch ? 

21. Show that these books as they stand presuppose the hexateuch. 

22. a. Speak of the citing of the hexateuch in the introductory part of 
Judges, b. In the message given at Bochim. c. In the affair of Jephthah. 
d. On the occasion when Israel demanded a king. e. In the account of the 
great promise to David. 

23. At what dates, according to these passages, was the hexateuch in 
existence ? 

24. Speak of the testimony of the Psalms to the hexateuch. 

25. Of the testimony of the history from Solomon to Manasseh. 

26. Of that of the time of Josiah. 

27. Of that of the preexilian prophets in general. 

28. a. Of the " book " and the " law " in the earlier preexilian prophets. 

b. In the later preexilian prophets, c. Show that the attempt to set aside the 
earlier prophetic testimony is a failure. 

29. Give conclusions from the testimony of the preexilian prophets. 

30. Speak of the testimony of the postexilian Old Testament books. 

31. Of that of the New Testament. 

32. State in general how the literary phenomena corroborate the testimony. 



202 HEXATEUCHAL QUESTIONS. 

33. The difference between early and late Hebrew, and its bearing on this 
question. 

34. Mention some differences of forms between the hexateuch and the later 
Hebrew. 

35. Some differences of vocabulary. 

36. Some differences of syntax, 

37. a. The use of the phrase " Jehovah of hosts." d. That of the phrase 
'• Holy one of Israel." c. Of the divine names made up of E/ and an attribute. 
d. Of the phrases " sons of Israel " and " men of Israel ". 

38. Give the argument from the resemblances and differences between 
Deuteronomy and Jeremiah. 

39. Between P and the postexilian books. n 

41. How does the case stand as between the great men and the nobodies? 

42. The argument from the history of literature before Moses. 

43. From the omission of song and fasting in the hexateuchal institutions. 

44. From the differences between the hexateuchal institutions and those of 
Ezra and Nehemiah. 

45. What is practically the most effective argument of the new tradition ? 

46. How must an alleged expert justify his claim to be believed? 

47. Estimate the proof from the alleged independent agreement of the men 
of the new tradition. 

48. State and estimate their arguments from utility. 

49. Explain the common fallacy in arguing from alternatives. 

50. Estimate the testimony offered on the negative side. 

52. Speak of the attempts to minimize the evidence. 

53. Of the attempts to belittle the evidence. 

55. ad. What is the rule as to the credibility of testimony? c. Speak of 
existing facts that corroborate the testimony of the bible, d. Of the claim of 
the bible testimony on our belief. 

56. a. What charges of incompetency are made against the witnesses who 
speak in the bible ? d. What do these charges amount to ? 

58. Admitting that there are unhistorical elements in the scriptures, how far 
does this discredit their testimony ? 

59. a. Speak of the charge that the wonderful events narrated in the script- 
ures discredit their historicity, d. Of the alleged contradictions as affecting 
their historicity, c. Of the results of frequent use as testing their trustworth- 
iness. 

61. How does the law that institutions grow bear on the question of the date 
of the hexateuch ? 

62. The bearing of the hypothesis of the evolution of the religion of Israel? 

63. The bearing of the law of the order of development in religion? 

64. a. What does the bible say on the question whether the Mosaic institu- 
tions came suddenly into existence ? d. On the question whether they are to 
be interpreted with exceptional rigidness ? 

65. State the argument from the specific history of the institutions. 

66. State the argument from alleged development. 



QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW. 203 

67. Speak of the claim that the argument is cumulative. 

68. Mention two limitations to the claim from this argument. 

70. State and estimate the argument from the cities of refuge. 

71. From the institution of levirate marriage. 

72. From that of the ^^oe/. 

73. From the Nazirite institution. 

74. From the prohibition of the Tnasseboth. 

75. Outline the argument from the law for a single sanctuary. 

76. a. What do the scriptures say concerning sanctuaries and sacrifices in 
the patriarchal times ? b. In the first months of the exodus ? 

77. State the sanctuary law of Exodus. 

78. State and limit the sanctuary law of Leviticus. 

79. a. When does the Deuteronomic sanctuary law claim to have been 
given ? b. State its substance and its expressed limitations, c. Its implied 
limitations. 

80. The principles on which these laws are to be construed. 

81. a. State and estimate the claim made from Neh. ix. 34. b. That from 
Neh. viii, 17. c. That from 2 Ki. xxiii. 22. d. That from Amos v. 25. 

e. How much weight have these statements for reversing the testimony ? 

f. Add Ezek. xliv. 10, 11, 13. 15. 

83. Speak of the testimony concerning Shiloh and Jerusalem. 

84. Of Shiloh in the times next after Moses. 

85. Of Shiloh in the time of Eli. 

86. How does the new tradition meet this testimony ? 

87. Mention and estimate the points made concerning Samuel and Shiloh. 

88. Speak of the alleged instances of other sanctuaries than Shiloh. 

89. Of the history of the sanctuary after Eli's death. 

90. Of the relations of the tabernacle to the temple. 

91. a. Of alleged sacrifices at many places, b. Of alleged incorrect ritual 
practices. 

92. a. Of Solomon's temple as the sanctuary, be. Of the highplace wor- 
ship afterward in Judah. def. Of the highplace worship in northern Israel. 

93. Of the contrary view of the men of the new tradition. 

94. Of the biblical explanation of these facts. 

95. Give a summary of these facts. 

96. State the conclusion from this argument. 

98. How far is the alleging of post-Mosaic elements in the hexateuch a new 
thing ? 

100. a. Speak of the account of the death of Joshua and the elders, and its 
bearing on the question of date. b. Of the accounts concerning Dan. c. Ot 
Jacob's blessing on his sons. d. Of the accounts of the manna, e. Of the 
statements concerning forced labor. /. Of those concerning the book of Jas- 
har. g. Of the passages that speak of the hill country of Judah and of Israel. 

loi. Of Bethel, Luz and other like names. 

102. Of certain passages that speak of Moses. 

103. Of the passages that speak of Israelitish kings. 



204 HEXATEUCHAL QUESTIONS. 

104. Of the geographical terms that indicate directions. 

105. Of other Deuteronomic instances. 

106. Ot yet other instances. 

107. Of the narratives of the creation and the flood. 

108. Give a conclusion from the alleged post- Mosaic instances. 

no. To what extent does the partition into documents afford additional 
proof as to the dates .-' 

III. If J, E, D, P extend through the hexateuch, how much does that prove 
in regard to the dates ? 

114- State the doctorine of "converging probabilities" and its application 
in the present case. 

116. State and estimate the argument from the variety of style. 

117. That from the analogies of other literature. 

118. Speak of the value of this argument from analogy. 

119. Speak of the argument from alleged inconsistencies for proving the 
necessity of partition. 

124. a. When do rough junctures indicate plural sources? d. What force 
have they for proving dates ? 

126. Speak of the divine names as criteria. 

127. Discuss the question whether P affirms that the name Yahweh was 
unknown till the time of Moses. 

128. Speak of differences of representation as to the way in which deity 
manifests himself. 

133. Of historical criteria, from hexateuchal events. 

134. Of historical criteria from extrahexateuchal events. 

135. According to the Polychrome Bible, to what extent do these criteria 
apply ? 

137. Distinguish between the things proved and those not proved in this 
argument. 

138. Make a summary of the whole matter. 



OLD TESTAMENT CHRONOLOGY AND 

HISTORY. 

REVISION OF 1902, 



OLD TESTAMENT CHRONOL- 
OGY AND HISTORY. 



Revision of 1902. 

LECTURE T. 
Peeliminary. 

1. The historical character of the bible. — Manifestly, either 
the scriptures are inspired by God, or they are not. Those 
who hold that they are not inspired yet regard them as of 
great historical and spiritual value. We who hold that they 
are inspired hold that God gave them mainly by the process 
of first causing history to be transacted, and then causing a 
record to be made of the transactions. In either case, the 
historical element is of the greatest importance. 

Yet what we call bible history is seldom of the nature of a 
continuous record of the events, but is nearly always of the , 
nature of a selection of historical facts made for religious 
purposes. 

2. Historical Icnowledge versus spiritual knowledge. — The 
chief uses of revelation are spiritual. One may have valuable 
insight into the spiritual truths of the bible, even if his un- 
derstanding of the historical meaning is imperfect or per- 
verted. Nevertheless, the best understanding of the history 
helps to the best knowledge of the spiritual truths. 

3. The inner meaning and the external facts. — In its central 
inner meaning the Old Testament is the history of redemption 
as provided by God for mankind. But this inner meaning is 
expressed through the medium of external facts — mainly the 
facts concerning the people that God chose for the purposes 
of his redemption. 

4. The starting point in the historical credibility of the Old 
Testament. — We who hold that the scriptures are inspired 
hold that they are historically trustworthy, some holding that 



208 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

they are so to the degree of miraculous inerrancy. Some of 
those who deny their inspiration assign to them lower degrees 
of trustworthiness. What is the proper position to take at 
the outset : that they are inerrant 1 or that they are highly 
trustworthy ? or that their trustworthiness is uncertain 1 

If we begin by seeking to understand the history as re- 
corded, attempting this on the hypothesis that the record is 
strictly correct, we shall thus test the record itself as we pro- 
ceed ; and this is the true method. 

5. Certain laws of method. — Four principles, among others, 
are especially important. First, seek the meaning which the 
author conveyed to his first readers. Second, test a statement 
by an induction of the particulars contained under it. Third, 
use all the evidence. Fourth, sift carefully. 

6. The meaning as understood by the earliest readers. — Of 
course, a statement is to be understood by defining and ana- 
lyzing its terms. But in doing this, we need to guard against 
carrying back our own ideas, and finding them in the state- 
ment because we have first put them there. We should ask 
the question. How would an intelligent uninspired man of the 
author' s time understand this ? This does not necessarily give 
us a final result ; for we may mistake the position of the per- 
son of the author's time ; or the author may have intended a 
meaning beyond his time ; or he may have uttered such a 
meaning unwittingly. None the less, attention to the times 
of the author will assist us in understanding his meaning. 

7. An induction of the particulars included in a statement. 
— There are two ways of mastering the meaning of a state- 
ment. One way is by analysis and definition, and the other 
by examining the details included under the statement. The 
latter of these processes is often the more important of the 
two, and in any case it is needed in order to test the results 
reached by the former. 

8. Use all the evidence. — When we attempt to interpret a 
statement by an induction of the particulars it includes, our 
induction must often go beyond the terms of the statement 
itself. It may include : a. Particulars furnished from other 



LAWS OF METHOD. 209 



biblical statements, b. From the literary phenomena of the 
bible, c. From permanent facts of geography, topography, 
and the like. d. From what we know in regard to the fixed 
order of nature, e. From trustworthy information from any 
source. 

9. Sift the evidence. — This wide inductive process needs to 
be carefully guarded against misuse, a. We have no right to 
argue that the writer meant so and so merely because we can 
prove that the facts were so and so. In such a case, the facts 
may interpret the author's meaning, or they may prove that 
he spoke falsely. In any given instance, we must decide 
which effect they have. b. Evidence thus gathered from 
every quarter is not all of equal value. Discrimination is 
necessary in using it. 

10. Elements of weakness in the current interpretations of 
bible history. — a. Denying or mistaking or unduly empha- 
sizing the miraculous elements, b. The effect of traditions 
that have come down through many generations of ill in- 
formed interpreters. c. Theological bias. d. Homiletical 
bias. e. The baby-story interpretation. /. Inadequate meth- 
ods of study in general. See " Historical Evidence vs. 
Critical Evidence," in Christian Thought tor ^ov. -Dec, 1884. 

11. Space and Time. — All external events of history come 
to pass in space and in time. Hence they need to be studied 
in the light of geography and of chronology. The present 
course will accentuate the importance of looking at the events 
in their proper time relations. 

For sacred geography, we may depend upon published 
works, especially those which are the results of actual survey. 
For sacred chronology, the case is different. Hence the 
especial need of study along this line. 



LECTURE II. 
Poiis^TS IN Old Testament Chrot^ology. 

12. The chronological data found in the Old Testament. — 
They are of various kinds : 

( 1 ) Numerals : a. Cardinal numbers, giving tlie time an 
event lasted, b. Ordinal numbers, giving the date when an 
event occurred or began or ended, c. Long numbers, giving 
the interval between two distant events, e. g. the 480 of 1 Ki. 
vi. 1. 

(2.) The nature of the events narrated : a. As themselves 
occupying time. Here, notably, generations of men, or 
periods in some one human life. b. As so related as to show 
the order in which they must have occurred, c. As belong- 
ing to certain seasons of the year. 

(3. ) Connecti ve words, or time phrases, such as ' 'afterward ' ' 
or ''before this," indicating the order in which events 
occurred (e. g. Neh. xiii. 4, 2 Sam. viii. 1, x. 1, vi. 1). 

(4.) The order in which the events are narrated. This is 
commonly, though not always, that in which they occurred. 

(5.) Points for comparison with data from external sources, 
notably : a. Eclipses or other astronomical data. b. Extra- 
biblical historical testimony, especially Josephus and the ori- 
ental monuments and other writings, c. Real or supposed 
laws of historical development. 

13. The connecting link between current chronology and 
that of the Old Testament. — The first year of Nebuchadnezzar 
of Babylon was the year that began in March, 604 B. C, and 
was the fourth year of Jehoiakim of Judah(Jer. xxv. 1 et al.). 

14. Limits of Old Testament chronology. — For the times 
earlier than the downfall of Samaria, there is no agreement 
among experts as to the dates B. C. in Old Testament events, 
and the dates commonly given are misleading. Yet in most 
cases the order of the earlier events can be ascertained, and 
they can be dated relatively to each other. 



WAYS OF RECKONING TIME. 811 

15. The Old Testament year. — For the names of months, 
etc., see articles in the bible dictionaries on "Month" and 
"Year." a. Give proofs: First, that the men of the Old 
Testament had a fixed year, beginning near the vernal equinox 
(Ex. xii. 2, xiii. 4, xxiii. 15, xxxiv. 18, 22, Lev. xxiii. 5- 
16. Josh V. 10, 11). Second, that this year was appointed by 
law (ibid.). Third, that it was their sacred year (Lev. xvi. 29, 
xxiii. 5, 24, 27, etc., Num. ix. 1, 5, 11, xxviii. 16, xxix. 1, 7, 
etc., 2 Chron. v. 3, vii. 10, etc., Ezra vi. 19, Neh. vii. 73, viii. 
2, 14, 1 Ki. xii. 32, 33). Fourth, that it was used in reckoning 
secular affairs (Jer. xxxvi. 22, 23, 2 Ki. xxv. 25 cf. Jer. xl. 
10, xii 8, Ex. xvi. 1, xix. 1, xl. 2, 17, Num. i. 18, x. 11, xx. 1, 
Dent. i. 3, Josh. iv. 19). Fifth, that it was used in counting 
the regnal years of kings (2 Chron. xxix. 3, 17 cf. xxx. 1-3, 
13, 15, and xxxi. 7, Esth. iii. 7 cf. 12, viii. 9, ii. 16, iii. 13, 1 
Ki. vi. 1, 37, cf. 2 Chron. iii. 2, 1 Ki. vi. 38, Zech. vii. 1, i. 
7, Hag. i. 1, 15 cf . 11). h. Can you find proof that any other 
way of reckoning years was regularly practiced in Old Testa- 
ment times ? See for example the Bible Dictionaries,, Jose- 
phus Ant. I. iii. 3, Ex. xii. 2, Lev. xxv. 4, 9, Ex. xxiii. 16 
and xxxiv. 22, Jer. i. 3, Neh. i. 1 and ii. 1, Gen. vii. 11. 

16. Mode of counting time, in the bible. — Four closely re- 
lated peculiarities should be noticed. First, the authors of the 
bible count time by units only, disregarding fractions. 
Second, hence broken terminal units are liable to an ambig 
uous interpretation. Third, so are ordinal numbers. Fourth, 
a series is sometimes spoken of with reference to its final 
terminus only. 

17. Reckoning by units only. — a. According to the view 
commonly received, what were the three days (in Mt. xii. 40, 
" three days and nights") that our Saviour lay in the grave ? 
b. From this as a typical instance, explain the difference be- 
tween the bible method of reckoning time, and our common 
method. 

The bible method is to count by units only, disregarding 
fractions. In the biblical use of numbers, such units as vears 
and days are not thought of strictly as measures of time, but 



gl2 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

as current periods wholly or partly covered by the event 
spoken of. 

18. Broken terminal units. — The broken year within which 
one king dies and is succeeded by another is always counted, 
as one year, to the outgoing king. Sometimes it is also 
counted to the incoming king, and so counted twice. For 
example, Harrison succeeded Cleveland as president in March, 
1889. By the mode of reckoning most common in the Old 
Testament, the year 1889 was the fourth year of Cleveland, 
the year 1890 was the first year of Harrison, and each admin- 
istration was four years. But by a mode of reckoning which 
is also not infrequent, the year 1889 is the first year of Har- 
rison as well as the fourth year of Cleveland, and the reign of 
Harrison is five years. Thus reckoned, the four years of 
Cleveland and the five years of Harrison taken together make 
eight years, and not nine. By the mode of counting that 
chiefly prevails in the Old Testament, Harrison was president 
for ten months before his first year began. In the Assyrian 
records, a sharp distinction is made between a king's acces- 
sion year and his first year. 

19. The ambiguity in ordinal numbers. — When it is stated 
that a king began to reign in a certain year of another king, 
the meaning may be that his first year is coincident with the 
designated year of the other king, or it may be that his actual 
accession occurred during that year, that is, that his accession 
year is coincident with the designated year of the other king. 

20. Counting to the final terminus only. — When a longer 
period is itself thought of as a unit, the same mode of concep- 
tion may prevail. That is, an event completed in the last 
year or day of a period may be spoken of as if it covered the 
period, even when it did not begin with the period. For in- 
stance, Samson's wife is said to have wept upon him "the 
seven days that their feast lasted" (Jud. xiv. 17 cf. 14), 
though she certainly did not begin her weeping earlier than 
the fourth of those days. See also Num. xiv. 33, Gen. xv. 13, 
Ex. xii. 40, Jud. iii. 11, 30, v. 31, viii. 28. 



LECTURE III. 
Method. Division. Extrabiblical Mateeials. 

21. A method of chronological study. — We have found 
that the bible states numerical facts in ways different from 
ours, and that a certain proportion of its statements are ca- 
pable of being understood in more than one meaning. This 
does not necessarily render its statements uncertain, or diffi- 
cult to understand. As a matter of fact, the true meaning is 
nearly always clear, provided we pursue a correct method. 
But the matter of method is exceedingly important. Many 
problems in biblical chronology cannot be solved by processes 
of mere addition and subtraction or averaging or conjectural 
correction, but only by some process of tabulation such as 
shall make the numbers check and interpret each other. 

Procure a blank book of ruled paper with twenty-five lines 
or more to the page. In the middle of every right hand page 
rule hve vertical columns, each, say, three eighths of an inch 
in widtii. The three left hand columns will ordinarily be 
used in tabulating the dates as you come to them, the other 
two being reserved to be filled up in later studies. Twenty- 
five lines on a page are a convenient number because twenty- 
five is an even divisor of one hundred. If you have fewer 
lines, you will have too many pages ; and if you have fifty 
lines instead of twenty five, your page will be unwieldy. 
The remaining space on the page, with all the space on the 
left hand page, you will need for explanations and notes. 

An important advantage of this simple piece of apparatus 
is that by it you can record the results of your present studies 
in a form in which they will be left open for additions in the 
future. 

22. The true principle of division for bible history.. — On 
what basis ought we to proceed in dividing the history re- 
corded in the Old Testament into periods ? Shall we make 
the division on the basis of the inner meaning or of the out- 
ward facts(Qu. 3) ? Many attempt to divide on the basis of the 



214 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY, 

inner meaning, finding in it a certain number of successive 
stages in the progress of redemption. To these attempts 
there are two objections. First, the divisions thus made com- 
monly disagree vv^ith those found in the Old Testament itself. 
Second, there is no sufficient uniformity of opinion as to the 
limits of the successive stages of the process of redemption. 
And on the other hand, the division made in the Old Testa- 
ment itself, the division on the basis of the external facts, is 
admirably simple and sufficient. 

23. The four periods of the history. — Central among the 
external facts of the history of the chosen people stands the 
national sanctuary, which the writers of the Old Testament 
regard as the nucleus of the people's worship and of the na- 
tional institutions and achievements. The Old Testament in- 
cludes four series of historical works, treating of four succes- 
sive periods in the history of the sanctuary. The first of 
these is the hexateuch, treating of the formative period of 
the sanctuary and its institutions ; the second is the books of 
Judges and 1 and 2 Samuel, with or withont Ruth, treating 
of the period when the sanctuary was wandering ; the third is 
the first and second books of Kings, treating of the period 
when the sanctuary was Solomon's temple ; the fourth is the 
first and second books of Chronicles, with Ezra and JN'ehemiah, 
reviewing these three periods and treating of the times when 
the sanctuary was the second temple. 

24. Extrahihlical data for the chronology. — The data of 
the Septuagint translation often differ from those of the He- 
brew, and sometimes supplement them. The differences are 
especially important for the pre-Abrahamic times, but there 
are differences for the later times. The Samaritan Penta- 
teuch differs from both the Hebrew and the Septuagint. The 
numerals of Josephus sometimes differ from those of the 
bible, and he gives a good deal of additional chronological 
material, much of it of no value, from Hebrew, Tyrian, 
Egyptian and other sources. Among classical writers, Hero- 
dotus (B. C. 445), Diodorus Siculus (B. C. 44 nearly) and 
Strabo (died 25 A. D.) abound in chronological materials, 



HISTORY BEFORE ABRAHAM. 315 

more or less trustworthy, in regard to tlie peoples with which 
the Israelites came into contact. Works often referred to 
are the Chronographia of Julius Africanus, the Chronicon of 
Eusebius, and the work of the monk Georgius Syncellus of the 
ninth century A. D., through which these more ancient works 
have come down to us. The Seder Olam is a Jewish chrono- 
logical work written early in the Christian era, the Seder 
Olam Zutta being an appendix to it written many centuries 
later. 

Sufficient information in regard to these can be had from 
books of reference. Of especial importance to the biblical 
student are the Egyptian chronology as given in Manetho 
and the monuments, which will be considered in Lecture 
y III ; and the Assyrian and Babylonian chronologies as given 
in Berosus and the monuments, consideration of which 
belongs properly at the opening of the third period. 



PART I- 
FORMATIYE PERIOD— ADAM TO JOSHUA. 



Divisioi^ I. Pre- Abrahamic History. 



LECTURE ly. 

Antediluvian CHEONOLOGy and Histoey, Gen. i-v. 

25. Subdivision of the formative period. — a. This period 
naturally divides itself into two parts : the preliminary his- 
tory, including the times before the migration of Abraham to 
Palestine (Gen. i-xi) ; and the beginning of the history of 
the chosen people, from the migration of Abraham to the 
death of Joshua. The preliminary history may again be di- 



216 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY, 

vided into two periods, the antediluvian and the postdiluvian, 
each of which has a chronology of its own given in the book 
of Genesis. The history of the chosen people divides itself 
into the topics hereafter given, b. The antediluvian chron 
ology is ethnical and not biographical (Gen. v, vii. 6, ix. 28- 
29, xi. 10-25), and we have no key to the duration of time 
there intended. 



LECTURE y. 

Feom the Flood to the Migration of Abeaham, 

Gen. vi-xi. 



Part I, Second Division. Beginnings of the History of the 

Chosen People. 



LECTURE yi. 
Abraham in Canaan, Gen. xii-xxv. 11. 

26. The chronological basis. — For the time from Abraham 
to Joshua there is nothing to indicate whether the numbers 
are to be reckoned inclusive of both terminal units, or of one 
terminal unit only. It is convenient to adopt the former way 
of reckoning, which is the usual way in the bible. The differ- 
ence does not amount to more than a year or two for any date, 
and is unimportant. 

27. A standard of measurement. — At the head of the 
middle column in your ruled book, write A Mig., " Migration 
of Abraham." Then fill the column for four pages with the 
numerals from 1 to 100. These will indicate the years of the 
period beginniDg when Abraham came to Palestine, and will 
serve as a standard with which to compare other chronological 
data. 



ABRAHAMIC DATES. 217 



28. Events that are explicitly dated. — a. At the head, of 
the next column to the left write "Abraham," and fill the 
column with the years of the life of Abraham, beginning with 
75. In the space to the right of your five columns, on the 
same line with 1 and 75, write " Abr. 75 when he came to Ca- 
naan (xii. 4)," and opposite 175 of the life of Abraham write 
" Abr. d. aged 175 (xxv. 7)". Opposite 100 in the years of 
Abraham write "Isaac b. (xxi. 5, etc.)," and fill the column 
to the left with the years of Isaac, making his first year corres- 
pond to the 100th year of Abraham. In the space to the right, 
opposite the 60 in the years of Isaac, enter " Esau and Jacob 
b. (xxv. 26)," and write the years of Jacob in a short added 
column to the left, making his first year the same with the 
60th year of Isaac. Then in their proper places in the space 
to the right enter the following items : the birth of Ishmael 
(xvi. 16) ; the covenant of circumcision (xvii. 1, 24, 25) ; the 
theophany at Mamre (xviii. 10 cf. xvii. 17, 21, etc.) ; the de- 
struction of Sodom (xviii. 10, xix) ; the death of Sarah (xxiii. 
1 cf. xvii. 17) ; the marriage of Isaac (xxv. 20). 

29. Events approximately dated, —a. Enter them under the 
date where you judge that they belong : Abraham in Egypt 
(xii) ; separation of Abraham and Lot (xiii) ; rescue of Lot 
by Abraham, and the interview with Melchizedek (xiv) ; the 
convenant of the parts (xv) ; the sending away of Ishmael 
(xxi) ; the covenant with Abimelech (xxi. 22-34) ; the Isaac 
sacrifice (xxii); the marriage with Keturah (xxv. 1) ; Abra- 
ham's ante-mortem arrangements (xxv. 1-6). h. Enter the 
following according to your best judgment : the births of 
Moab and Ammon (xix. 30-38) ; the Abimelech affair (xx) ; 
the marriage of Ishmael (xxi. 21). 

30. The geography. — a. Look up the physical geography of 
Palestine, h. Locate the following regions and places : Ur, 
Haran, Egypt, Shechem, Bethel, Hebron, the circuit of the 
Jordan, Sodom and the sister cities, Beer-sheba, Beer-lahai-roi, 
Gerar, the land of the Philistines. 

31. Ur as Abraham left it. — For the early history of Baby- 



218 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

Ionia see McCurdy, vol. I, or Sayce Bahyloniaiis and Assy- 
rians, or other works. 

32. Palestine as Abraham found it. — a. Three kinds of inhab- 
itants, perhaps more (xii. 6, xiv. 13, xxiii. 3, etc ; xiv. 2, etc.; 
xiv. 5, 6, etc ; perhaps xxi. 34 cf. xxvi. 1, 8; xiv. 18, etc.) 

b. Many different independent peoples (ibid and xxxv. 5). 

c. Idolatrous religions, probably, and human sacrifices, d. 
A civilization pretty well advanced (xxiii, e. g.). e. The 
rudiments, at least, of the Hebrew language. /. A region 
which had already been more than once swept by the conquer- 
ing armies of Egypt or of Mesopotamia (xiv). 

33. Abraham and his fellow immigrants. — a. How numer- 
ous were they (xii. 5, xiii. 6, xiv, 14, etc.) ? b. Was their 
longevity exceptional, or were their contemporaries generally 
as longlived as they ? c. The relation of his retainers to the 
covenant (xvii. 12, 13, 23, 27). 

34. Abraham^ s religion. — a. Altars (xii. 7, 8, xiii. 18, cf. 
xxvi. 25). b. Theophanies (especially xiii. 14 sq., xv, xvii, 
xviii, xxii). c. Different names for God (e. g. xii. 1, xxii. 1, 
xvii. 1, xiv. 22, xvi. 13, xxi. 33, xviii. 3, xv. 1). d. The great 
divine purpose, promise, covenant (e. g. xii. 3. xviii. 18, xxii. 
18, xvii. 4 sq.). Who are the parties to it? Who are its 
human beneficiaries ? What did an ordinary sensible retainer 
of Abraham understand in regard to the relations of Abraham 
to " all the families of the ground " ? 

35. Summary. — a. On the basis of the table of events which 
you have written, give an account of Abraham's life in Pales- 
tine, in a proper setting of time and place, b. Discuss the 
question whether this is biography or ethnical legend. 



LECTURE yil. 

Isaac and Jacob ii^ Canaan. Gen. xxv. 11-xlvii. 12. 

36. Dated events. - a. Extend your column of the years 
of the Migration to 225 ; your column of the years of Jacob to 



DATES FOR ISAAC AND JACOB. 219 

the same limit ; your column of the years of Isaac to the end 
of his life. b. Enter in their proper places the following 
events: Esau's first marriages (xxvi. 34) ; Jacob going to 
Egypt (xlvii. 9) ; the iirst and seventh of the years of famine 
(xlv. 6, 11 ; the first and seventh of the seven years of plenty 
(xli. 53-54, etc.) ; the birth of Joseph (xli. 46) ; the first and 
sixth of the six years of service (xxx. 25 sq., xxxi. 41, 38) ; 
Jacob's return to Palestine ; the birth of Benjamin (xxxv. 16 
sq.) ; death of Ishmael (xxv. 17); Joseph taken to Egypt 
(xxxvii. 2) ; death of Isaac (xxxv. 28). 

37. Events approximately dated. — a. Enter in their prob- 
able places the following events : the affair of Shechem and 
Dinah (xxxiv, xxxv. 5) ; the births of Dinah, Simeon and 
Levi (xxxiv. 25, xxx. 21, xxix. 33, 34, 35 and xxx. 14-21) ; the 
births of Jacob's remaining eight sons (xxix-xxx) ; Jacob's 
fourteen years of service (xxix. 18, 20, 2V, 30, xxxi. 41, 38) ; 
Esau' s Ishmaelite marriage (xxviii. 9) ; Jacob going to Paddan- 
aram (xxviii) ; the affair of the birthright (xxv. 29-34) ; Isaac 
with the Philistines (xxvi). b. Also the following : marriage 
of Judah to the daughter of Shua (xxxviii. 2); marriage of Er 
and Tamar (xxxviii. 6) ; birth of Perez and Zerah (xxxviii) ; 
Esau abandoning the land of promise (xxxvi. 6). 

38. The geography. — Locate Paddan-aram and Jacob's 
route thither, Galeed, the Jabbok, the region of Seir, Dothan, 
the regions occupied respectively by Isaac, Jacob and Esau 
after Jacob's return to Palestine, the route of Joseph into 
Egypt. 

39. The related peoples. — a. Gather what information you 
can in regard to Laban' s people, b. How about their language 
as compared with that of Jacob (Gen. xxxi. 47) ? c. Using- 
a concordance, get together what information you can in re- 
gard to the Ishmaelites, the Medanites, and the Midianites, 
up to the time when Israel went into Egypt. 

40. Who were the Israelites that went into Egypt % — In a 
general sense, they were the seventy persons indicated in 
Gen. xlvi. 8-26, with their women and their retainers, many 
thousands in all. See Gen. xlvi. 27, Ex. i. 5, Deut. x. 22, 



220 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

Acts vii. 14. Note Gen. xlvi. 27, 7, 15, 17. Note also Gen. 
xlvi. 12. Finally, note such passages as Gen. xii 5, xiii. 6, 
xiv. 14, xxiv. 35, xxvi. 16, xxxii. 5, 13, 23, xxxvi. 7, xlvi. 6, 
compared with xvii. 12, 13, 23, 27, Ex. xii. 44, 48. We 
should think of Joseph's brothers, buying corn, not as ten 
men with ten asses and no more, but as ten merchant princes, 
with a sufficient retinue. 

41. The industrial condition of the Israelites at this time. — 
Were they nomadic 1 Or should they be classed as an agricul- 
tural people (Gen. xxvi. 12, xxxiii. 19, xlii. 1, etc.) ? 

42. Religious and ethical questions.— a. Altars (Gen. 
xxvi. 25, xxxiii. 20, xxxv. 1, 3, 7). h. Theophanies (xxvi. 
2, xxviii. 11-22, xxxi. 11-13, 24, 29, xxxii. 1, 24-32, 
xxxv. 1, 9-13, xlvi. 2-4). c. The vow at Bethel and 
its fulfillment (xxviii. 22, xxxv). d. The religious training 
of Jacob's ten elder sons (xxxi. 19, 30, 34, 35, xxxv. 2-4). 
e. The birthright, the blessing, the reparation (xxv. 29-34, 
xxvii. 1-40, xxxii-xxxiii). /. The change of name and 
character (xxxii. 24-32, xxxv. 10). g. The great promise 
(xxvi. 4, xxviii. 14, and the references above). 

43. Sketch the life and character of Isaac. 

44. Sketch the life and character of Jacob, not neglecting 
his great spiritual experiences. 

45. Sketch the life and character of Esau, and the proces- 
ses by which he lost his birthright. 



LECTURE yill. 

The Hexateuch and Egyptology. 

46. Sources of information. — All the encyclopaedias have 
articles on Egypt. Among the best of the many recent works 
are A History of Egypt ^ 7 vols., by W. M. Flinders Petrie 
and others, published by the Scribners, and Egypt under the 
Pharaohs^ by Brugsch. Rawlinson's History of Ancient 
Egypt and Wilkinson' s Ancient Egyptians are well known 
works. Dr. A. H. Kellogg' s book Abraham^ Joseph and 



SHEPHERD KINGS. EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY. 221 

Moses in Egypt (N. Y. 1887) is sufficiently definite and care- 
ful to be of great use. 

The best known ancient source is the writings of Manetho, 
who wrote in Grreek, at Alexandria, probably in the third 
century B. C. Fragments of his history of Egypt are preserved 
in Josephus {Cont. Ap. i. 14 sq., 26 sq.), and in the Chrono- 
graphia of Julius Africanus (about 220 A. D.) This work of 
Africanus is itself extant only in the fragments quoted by 
Eusebius in his Chronicon (about 325 A. D.), and in the cita- 
tions made, in part from the Chronicon and in part from a 
copy of Africanus, by Georgius Syncellus, of the ninth cent- 
ury A. D. Manetho as thus handed down is often contradict- 
ory and unintelligible, but is still our most important source 
for Egyptian chronology. 

In the old series of the Records of the past, the even num- 
bered volumes are made up of Egyptian documents. The new 
series contains much Egyptian material, including extensive 
selections from the El-amarna records, and a treatment of 
Manetho. 

47. The shepherd kings. — The Hyksos, or shepherd kings, 
were foreigners of Semitic race. Six of them reigned in a 
group directly before the accession of the eighteenth dynasty. 
The sum of the years of the six is 260 according to Manetho 
as quoted in Josephus, 284 according to Manetho as quoted in 
Africanus. Egyptologists now commonly hold that the six 
reigns covered a period of less than 200 years. Salatis was 
the first ot the six, and Apophis was either the fourth or the 
sixth. The Hyksos were worshippers of Sutech, and to some 
extent persecutors of the native Egyptian religion. 

48. The eighteenth dynasty. — This dynasty came in by the 
bloody overthrow of the shepherd kings. It was a Theban 
dynasty. It included perhaps 15 sovereigns. Manetho makes 
its duration to be, according to Josephus 246 years, according 
to Africanus 263 years, according to Eusebius 348 years. 
Rawlinson and others estimate it at a little less than 200 
years. In this dynasty the priests were in high favor. 

Its fifth sovereign was Queen Hatasu, who is prominently 



232 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

mentioned on the Egyptian monuments, though her name is 
omitted in the monumental list of kings. The sixth was 
Thothmes III. As conqueror, builder and patron of history 
he is nearly the greatest of Egyptian kings. His armies over- 
ran Syria and Mesopotamia. The ninth was Amenophis III, 
Amen-hotep, Memnon, who reigned more than 36 years, and 
was noted for justice and kindness, and for his Asiatic affil- 
iations. His successor was Amenophis IV, also known as 
Khuen-aten "or light of the Solar Disc." He reigned twelve 
years or more, was very peculiar looking, effected a religious 
revolution, establishing sun worship, got the enmity of the 
priests, founded a new capital, Khu-aten, at El-amarna on 
the upper Nile. Among the archives of his reign are the cele- 
brated El-amarna tablets, including reports and letters to him 
and to his father from various parts of Palestine. These show 
that all that region had been subject to Egypt, but that the 
power of Egypt there was now broken and declining. 

49. The nineteenth dynasty. — The kings of this dynasty 
were related in blood to those of the eighteenth. They are : 
first, Rameses I, a year and four months ; second, Seti I, per- 
haps 30 years or more ; third, Rameses II, 67 years or more, 
either including or excluding a co-reign with his father, one of 
the greatest Egyptian builders and conquerors ; fourth, 
Men'phthah, eight years or more after the death of Rameses ; 
fifth, three more kings, known by various names, whose j'eigns 
were brief and troubled, and are imperfectly known. The 
Pharaohs of the oppression were Seti I and his successors, 
and the Pharaoh of the exodus was one of the four successors 
to Rameses II. 

50. The twentieth dynasty. — It was founded by Set-nekht, 
of the same family with the kings of the nineteenth dynasty, 
who after a very brief reign was succeeded by Rameses III, 
who reigned 32 years. They rescued Egypt from a condition 
of anarchy, in which a Syrian invader named Aarsu figures 
largely. Rameses III was distinguished for his good govern- 
ment, and for pushing the arms of Egypt as far as into Meso- 
potamia. 



DATES FOR THE EXODUS. 223 

51. The Lepsian date for the exodus. — An Egyptian Sotliic 
cycle of 1460 solar years terminated 139 A. D. It began there- 
fore 1322 B. C. The cycle was known as the ''era of Meno- 
phres". Nobody knows anything about Menophres. But if 
he was a king of Egypt, and if the name is misspelt, and 
ought to be Menophthes, and if Menophthes is one more vari- 
ant for Men'phthah, which appears in the Greek variously as 
Menephthes, Amenephthes, Armenophthes, Amenophis, and 
if this particular Men'phthah was the Amenophis to whose 
reign Manetho and Josejjhus assign the exodus, and if they 
are correct in so assigning it, then it follows that the exodus 
occurred somewhere about 1320 B. C. This theory is sup- 
posed to be supported by other data, but they are even more 
shadowy than those just given. It is held to be strongly 
confirmed by the fact that the El-am arna tablets (see Records 
of the past, new series, ii. 57 sq., iii. 6b sq.) show that Amen- 
ophis ly. was contemporary with Burnaburyas of Babylonia, 
and Assur-yuballidh of Assyria, kings w^ho are said to have 
flourished about 1430 B. C. Apparently the acceptance of 
this date involves the rejection of the bible numerals by the 
wholesale. Ten years ago it was generally accepted by men 
of certain mental habits. 

52. Mahler\s chronology. — It has become fashionable within 
the past few years. Professor Petjie's version of it dates the 
first year of Men'phthah as 1207 B. C. {A Hist, of Egypt 
II p. 32). Like the Lepsian and m^. iv other schemes, it is 
a chain of solid links of fact tied together in places by 
rotten bits of the twine of conjecture. None of these schemes 
are to be accepted as final. 



LECTURE IX. 

Israel in EayPT. Gen. xx^ix-l, Ex. i-vii. 7. 

53. Dated eveMts. — a. Extend your column of the years of 
Abraham's migration to 475, and your column of the years of 



^U CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 



Jacob to his death, b. Enter the following events : the death 
of Jacob (Gen. xlvii. 28) ; the death of Joseph (1. 22, 26) ; the 
death of Levi (Ex. vi. 16). c. Assuming that the last year in 
Egypt was the year 430 of the migration of Abraham (Ex. xii. 
40, 41), enter the following : the birth of Moses (Ex. vii. 7) ; 
the birth of Aaron (Ex. vii. 7) ; the flight of Moses to Midian 
(Acts vii. 23, 30) ; and, conjecturally, the deaths of Leah, 
Kohath, Amram (Gen. xlix. 31, Ex. vi. 18, 20). d. From the 
materials in the bible how nearly can you date the law for 
throwing the male children into the Nile ? How nearly can 
you date the beginning of the oppression ? 

54. The Pharaohs of Abraham, Isaac, and Joseph. — The 
Pharaoh of Abraham was probably one of the shepherd kings 
(Gen. xii. 15-20j. The famine when Isaac was forbidden to 
go to Egypt (Gen. xxvi. 2) may have been that which occurred 
{Encyc. Brit, "Egypt," p. 736) in the reign of the last shep- 
herd king. Had Isaac then gone to Egypt, he might have 
become mixed up in the bloody revolution in which the 
Hyksos dominion perished. It is often said that the Pharaoh 
of Joseph was Apophis of the Hyksos dynasty, but that is 
impossible. As Joseph was in Egypt 93 years, and in power 
80 years, he must have been contemporary with several Phar- 
aohs. It was a dynasty which was in close afiiliation with the 
Egyptian priesthood (Gen. xii. 45, 50, xlvi. 20, xlvii. 22, 26) ; 
a dynasty in which the Egyptians of the court were ceremo- 
nially separated from shepherds and from the men of Joseph' s 
race (xlvi. 34, xliii. 32) : a dynasty when horses and chariots 
abounded (xii. 43, xlvi. 29, xlvii. 17, 1. 9). These and many 
other indications show that Joseph's exaltation occurred not 
earlier than the latest years of Thothmes III, and the coming 
of Israel to Egypt not later than the early years of Ameno- 
phis III. 

b5. Duration of the sojourn in Egypt. — It closed with the 
close of the year 430 of the migration of Abraham. The flrst 
214 years preceded the sojourn, leaving 216 years for the 
sojourn itself. The opinion is very prevalent, however, that 
the sojourn occupied the whole 430 years. See Ex. xii. 40, 



THE EXODUS. 225 



41, with the readings of the differeot copies of the Septiiagint, 
and of the Samaritan Pentateuch, Gal. iii. 17, Jos. Ant. II. 
XV. 2, yill. iii. 1, II. ix. 1, Gen. xv. 13, 16, Acts vii. 6, and 
synchronous Egyptian history. 

56. Geography. — Locate the route of Jacob's funeral (Gen. 
1), Locate the region occupied by Israel in Egypt, noting in 
particular the extent of the region, considering their number 
and the fact that they dwelt to some extent mingled with 
other inhabitants (Ex. xii. 23, 35, 36, e. g.). 

57. The Oppression. — State the nature of the labor oppres- 
sion to which they were subjected. Especially compare the 
word mas (Ex. i. 11) with the same word as used in the times 
of David and Solomon. In what sense were the Israelites 
" slaves " (Ex. xiii. 3, 14, xx. 2, etc.) ? 

58. Joseph. — Sketch his life and character. 

59. The residence in Egypt and the oppression. — Sketch 



them. 



LECTURE X. 
The Exodus ajn^d the Maech to Sii^ai. Ex. i-xyiii. 

60. Dated events. — a. Opposite the year of the Migration 
431 enter "The exodus (Qu. 55)." h. On the left hand page, 
make a list of the following details : the months preceeding 
the first month of the exodus year (Ex. ii. 23-xii cf. vii. 7, 
xvi. 35, etc., Deut. xxxiv. 7, etc.); the first half month (xii. 
3-6, etc.); the month of time following (xvi. 1); the next half 
month (xix. 1); three days (xix. 11, etc.); periods of forty 
days (xxiv. 18, xxxiv. 28. Deut. ix. 9, 11, 18, 25, x. 10); Jethro 
(xviii, especially 5); the first day of the next year (Ex. xl. 2,17). 

61. The numbers of Israel. — a. Should we connect the 
600,000 of Ex. xii. 37 with either or both the enumerations in 
Numbers (Num. i, ii, iii, xxvi)? h. Was the census a count 
of individuals 1 or a count of companies, that is, of hundreds, 
fifties, etc.? c. Would the differences between these two ways 



226 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

of counting make any difference in the whole number? d. 
How does the number of the "firstborn males" (Num. iii. 43) 
compare with the total number of the people '« e. Note anj^ 
points in which these questions may be significant. 

62. Geography. — a. Locate the route of the main column 
to the place where they crossed the sea. h. Look up different 
views in regard to this. c. The route and principal camping 
places of the main column from the place of crossing to the 
Sinai region, as traditionally located, d. Where were the 
Israelites the evening before the fifteenth of Abib ? e. Is it 
said or implied that they made miraculous marches in order 
to join the main column? /. Is it said or implied that either 
they or their flocks and herds subsisted by miracle, while 
they remained in Egypt ? g. How large a proportion of the 
people were in the main column, when it crossed the Red sea ? 
h. Did the miracle at the crossing give freedom to those who 
then crossed only ? or to the rest of the nation as well ? 

63. The great miracles of the deliverance from Egypt. — 
Sketch them : a. The plagues of Egypt, b. The Red sea 
crossing (Ex. xiv, xv). c. The supply of water (xv. 22-26, 
xvii. 1-"/). d. The supply of food (xvi). e. The defeat of 
Amalek (xvii. 8-16). 

64. IsraeV s religion, just before the legislation from Sinai. — 
a. Altars, sacrifice, priesthood, etc. (Ex. xvii. 15, xxiv. 4, 6, 
iii. 18, V. 3, 8, 17, viii. 8, 26, 27, 28. 29 [4, 22, 23, 24, 25], x. 
25, xii. 27, xviii. 12, xxiv. 5, xix. 22, 24, etc.). b. The earlier 
"tent of meeting," Ex. xxxiii. 7-11. c. Theopanies (iii, vi. 
2 sq., xiii. 21, etc., xix-xx). d. The great promise: the 
covenant, oath, etc., with Abraham (Ex. ii. 24, iii. 6, 7, 15, 16, 
iv. 5, vi. 3, 8). e. The priest nation (xix. 5-6. 

65. The exodus movement. — Sketch it in its relations to 
time, place, and miracle, from the burning bush to the arrival 
at Sinai. 



LECTURE XI. 
The Giving of the Hexateuchal Legislation. 

66. This legislation classified. — First, the covenant legisla- 
tion ; second, the priestly legislation ; third, the Deuterono- 
mic legislation. 

67. The earlier covenant legislation. — First, " the Ten 
Words"; second ''tlie Judgments" (Ex. xxi. i); third, the 
short "Covenant." They should be distinguished from the 
later covenant legislation of Deuteronomy. As we shall see, 
the three are all said to have been reduced to writing by Moses 
between the third and the seventh months of the first year of 
the exodus. Many scholars now hold that they were written 
in the eighth century B. C, or a little earlier. 

68. The Ten Words. — So the Hebrew regularly designates 
what we are accustomed to call the ten commandments (Ex. 
xxxiv. 28, Deut. iv. 13, x. 4). a. Given orally and accepted 
by the people (Ex. xx. 1, 18-21, Deut. iv. 10, 12, 15, 33, 36, x. 4, 
etc.). h. Rehearsed orally, along with the Judgments, as 
the basis of the covenant (Ex. xxiv. 3). c. Written by Moses 
in " the book of the covenant," and again solemnly accepted 
(Ex. xxiv. 4. 7). d. The "testimony" copy of them first 
given more than forty days later, written by the finger of God 
on two tables of stone (Ex. xxiv. 12, xxxi. 18, Deut. iv. 13, v. 
22 [19], etc.). e. This copy having been broken, a duplicate 
given eighty days later (Ex. xxxii. 15, 16, 19, xxxiv. 1, 4, 28, 
29, Deut. ix. 9-11, 18, 25, x. 1-5, 10, etc.). /. "The tables of 
the covenant" (Ex. xxxiv. 28, Deut. ix. 9, 11, 15, etc.). g. 
These two tables, later, placed in the ark, being its sole con- 
tents, in distinction from other objects that were placed before 
it or beside it (Deut. x. 2, 5, 1 Ki. viii. 9, 2 Chron. v. 10,1 Sam. 
vi. 19, and Ex. xl. 3, 20, xxv. 16, 21 ; Deut. xxxi. 26 cf. the 
following: xvii. 18-19, 8-11, xxxi. 9-13, 24-27, Josh. viii. 
34-35 ; Ex. xvi. 33, 34, xl. 4-5, 22-27, Num. xvii. 10, 4, Heb. 
ix. 1-5), and constituting it "the ark of the testimony " (Ex. 
xxvi. 33y 34, XXX. 6, 26, xxxi. 7, xl. 21, etc.), and the "ark 
of the covenant" (Num. x. 83, xiv. 44, Deut. x. 8, etc.). 



328 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

69. The Judgments. — Otherwise known as "the covenant 
code" or "the judges' code" (Ex. xxi-xxiii cf. Ex. xx. 18- 
26, Dent. V. 22-31, vi. 1 sq., etc.). Made the basis of the 
covenant, first orally and then in writing, along with the 
Words (xxiv. 3-8). 

70. The little covenant code. — A repetition of that part of 
the covenant code which concerns the national religious ob- 
servances, given in connection with the second pair of tables 
(Ex. xxxiv. 10-27). 

71. The Priestly legislation. — It includes the ''holiness 
code," the tabernacle code, the sacrificial manual, and much 
other legislation, ceremonial and civil. 

72. The holiness code. — This is the name given by many 
scholars to the compact body of laws (Lev. xvi-xxvi) which 
the Levite priests were to enforce upon the people for keep- 
ing them separate to Yahweh. These laws claim in detail to 
have been given in the lifetime of Moses (xvii. 1, xviii. 1, xix. 
1. xxi. 1, 16, 24, xxiii. 1, 9, 23, 26, 33, 44, etc.), and claim as 
a whole (xxvi. 46) to have been given " in mount Sinai by the 
hand of Moses," that is, not later than the early part of the 
second year of the exodus. On the question whether Moses 
gave them in writing they are silent. 

The scholars who hold to the late date of the pentateuch 
regard this as the earliest part of the priestly legislation, later 
than the covenant laws, but either pre- exilian or at least not 
much later than the exile. 

Lev. xxvii (see verses 1, 34) is an appendix to this code, 
and makes the same claim as to date. 

73. The tabernacle code. — The digested laws for the ' ' tent 
of meeting" and its priesthood and worship, given in two 
parts: first, "the pattern" (Ex. xxv. 9, 40) or construction- 
plan (Ex. xxv. 1-xxxi. 11) ; and second, the return-report 
(xxxv. 4-xxxix. 43). It claims to have been given during the 
forty days before the giving of the first tables. The nature 
of its contents suggests the probability that it was given in 
writing. In the critical views now current, this is regarded 
as among the latest parts of the hexateuch, dating long after 
the exile. 



THE LEGISLATION. 229 



74. The manual of sacrifice {Lev. i-vii) — It purports to 
have been given to Moses (iv. 1, v. 14, etc.), while Aaron was 
alive (vii. 34, 35), at mount Sinai (vii. 35-38), after the tent of 
meeting was built (i. 1). Whether given in writing is not 
stated, but such a law must necessarily have been given in 
very definite form. 

75. Other priestly laws. — Many of them are dated, either by 
their contents or by the order of the narrative, in the first or 
the second year of the exodus (e. g. Lev. viii-x and xvi, and 
most of the laws in Num. i-xiv). Others are dated in or before 
the first forty days at Sinai (e. g. laws of passover, firstborn 
and sabbath, in Ex. xii, xiii, xvi, xxxi. 12-17, xxxv. 1-3). 
Others are only dated by being attributed to Moses, or to 
Moses and Aaron (e. g. Lev. xi~xv, Num. xv. sq.). Bat 
there is scarcely a section that is not in some way specifically 
assigned to the times of Moses. A few of the later laws in 
Numbers seem to be attributed to the latter part of the forty 
years. 

76. The Deuteronomic legislation. — In Deut. i. 3-iv. 43 and 
iv. 44-xi there is^ much exhortation, based on the covenant 
legislation. In chaps, xii-xxvi is a body of laws, some- 
times described as "the people's code," in part duplicating 
the covenant and the priestly laws, and in part independent. 
Included in chapters xxvii-xxx are "the words of the 
covenant which Yahweh commanded Moses to make wdth the 
children of Israel in the land of Moab, beside the covenant 
which he made with them in Horeb " (xxix. 1, Heb. xxviii. 
69). All these parts of Deuteronomy purport to have been 
uttered during the last part of the fortieth year of the exodus, 
in the form of public addresses to the people (i. 1-3, iv. 44 sq. , 
xxvii. 1, 9, 11, etc., xxxi. 9 sq., 24 sq , etc.), and all, or at 
least nearly all, claim to have been then put in writing. Much 
current criticism holds that the main part of Deuteronomy 
was written in the time of King Josiah of Judah, a little before 
621 B. C. 

77. The art of writing in the time of the exodus. — The 
verb kathabh occurs nearly forty times in the accounts of the 



230 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

exodus period, and in such connections as to indicate that 
writing was well known and widely practiced among the 
Israelites who came out from Egypt. This is in agreement 
with all that we know from other sources as to the probabili- 
ties in the case. Writing is not mentioned in the Old Testa- 
ment till the times of the exodus, though the poems that are 
quoted (e. g. Gen. iv. 23-24, ix. 25-27, xxvii. 27-40, etc.) 
indicate the existence of literature fiom much earlier times. 

78. The exodus legislation and earlier institutions. — The 
narratives do not represent that Israel came out from Egypt 
an unorganized and uncivilized mob. a. In Egypt they had 
eldei's (Ex. iii. 16, 18, iv. 29, and many places), "officers" 
{shofrijn, different from their Egyptian taskmasters, v. 6, 10, 
14, 15, 19), and princes, n^siim, ruling in the tribes by heredi- 
tary right or influence, (Ex. xvi. 22, xxxiv. 31, Num. i. 16, 44, 
ii. 3, 5, etc.). A few months after they left Egypt, this was 
supplemented, at Jethro's suggestion, by the decimal plan of 
captains of thousands, hundreds, etc. (Ex. xviii). Later 
(Num. xi. 16-30, Deut. i. 9-18). the council of seventy was 
organized. This council is not spoken of in Ex. xxiv. 1, 9. 
The phrase there is indefinite, "seventy of the elders of Israel." 
b. There is every reason to think that the exodus legislation 
incorporated earlier usages into itself, and was largely made 
up of materials so incorporated (Qu. 64). 



LECTURE XII. 
The Forty Yeaks. Ex. xl, Num. i-xix. 

79. Their beginning and end. — They began with the first 
month of the year, the month when Israel left Egypt, and 
ended with the close of the year, just before the first month 
(Josh. iv. 19, V. 10, cf. Deut. i. 3, also Ex. vii. 7 and Acts vii. 
23, 30, with Deut. xxxi. 2, xxxiv. 7 and Num. xxxiii. 38, 39). 

80. Dated events of the second year. —Enter the following 
on the left hand page : tent of meeting reared (Ex. xl. 1, 17) ; 



THE FORTY YEABS. 231 



twelve days' offering (Num. vii. 1, 12, 18, etc., to 78); pass- 
over kept (ix. 1, 3) ; command to number the people (i. 1, 18); 
second passover (ix. 11 and context) ; the start from Sinai 
(x. 11) ; first march (x. 33) ; fire, quails, the seventy, the 
plague (xi. 19, 20, 21 and context) ; distance from Horeb to 
Kadesh (Deut. i. 2) ; waiting for the spies (Num. xiii. 25); 
the season of the year (xiii. 23) ; the stay at Kadesh (Deut. i. 
46, Num. XX. 1, 23-29, xxxiii. 38, Deut. ii. 14). The date in 
Num. XX. 1 is connected with the events that follow, that is, 
with the fortieth year. According to Deut. ii. 14, Israel re- 
mained in Kadesh after the return of the spies till some time 
in the third year of the exodus. 

81. Geography. — Point out Sinai, Horeb, Taberah, Hazeroth, 
mount Seir, Paran, Kadesh- barnea, the South country, Hebron, 
Hamath, Eshcol. Hormah. 

82. Duration and incidents of what is called '''the wander- 
ing.^' — Commonl}^ spoken of as 40 years (see "forty" in con- 
cordance). Actually about 37 1-2 years (see Qu. 80). Ap- 
parently the incidents preserved are that of the sticks on the 
sabbath, that of Korah, Dathan and Abiram, that of Aaron's 
rod (Num. xv-xvii). 

83. Manna and quails. — To what extent, according to the 
bible, did they subsist on these (Ex. xvi, Num. xi, Dent. viii. 
3, 16, xxix. 6, Josh. v. 12, Ps. Ixxviii. 24-25, Neh. ix. 20, John 
vi. 31, 49, 58, Heb. ix. 4, Rev. ii. 17, and Ex. x. 9, 24, xii. 32, 
38, xvii. 3, xix. 13, xxxiv. 3. xxii. 5, 6, 9, Num. iii. 41, 45, 
xi. 22, vii, ix, Lev. xvii, Num. xx. 19, xxxii, Deut. iii. 19, 
Ex. iii. 22, xii. 36, xxxii, Deut. ii. 6, 28) ? 

84. The quadruple camp. — How are we to understand the 
order of encampment and of march described in Num ii and 

X? 

85. The religious deterioration in the wilderness. — a. In 
the matter of sacrifice, as measured by the levitical laws (Deut. 
xii. 8 and context), b. In the matter of circumcision (Josh. v. 
2-9). 

86. 7^he manner of life in the wilderness. — Sketch it (Num. 
xxxii. 13, xiv. 33, Deut. viii. 4, xxix. 5). 



LECTURE XIII. 
The Fortieth Year. Num. xx-xxxvi, Deuteronomy. 

87. Dated events. — Enter the followiug on the left hand 
page , opposite the year 470, specifying the dates, when these 
are given : the regathering at Kadesh (Num. xx. 1) ; themes- 
sage to Edom (xx. ] 4-21) ; the start from Kadesh (22) ; the 
death of Aaron (Num. xx. 23-29, xxxiii. 38), and the mourn- 
ing (xx. 29) ; the serpent of brass (xxi. 1-11) ; Zered (xxi. 12, 
Deut. ii. 14 and context) ; the conquest of Sihon (Num. xxi. 
13-30, Deut. ii. 24-37, Jud. xi) ; the conquest of Og (Num. 
xxi. 31-35, Deut. iii) ; they encamp in the Jordan valley 
(Num. xxii. 1) ; Balaam (Num. xxii-xxiv) ; w^ar with Midian 
(xxv, xxxi) ; second census (xxvi) ; the two and a half tribes 
(Num. xxxii and Deut.) ; cities of refuge (Num. xxxv, Deut. 
iv. 41-43) ; the giving of Deuteronomy, general (Deut. 1. 1-2) ; 
the parts of Deuteronomy, specific (Deut. i. 3-5, iv. 46, etc.) ; 
death of Moses, and mourning for him (Deut. xxxiv. 5-8). 

88. Geographg. —Fomt out Kadesh barnea, Edom, mount 
Hor, Zered, Arnon, Moab and Ammon of the time of the ex- 
odus, the dominions of Sihon, of Og, the Ar'both of Moab, 
Pethor by the River, Pisgah, Midian. 

89. The kindred peoples at the time of the exodus. — Make 
a study of them, using concordance : Edom, Moab, Ammon, 
Midian, Amalek, Jethro's people (Jethro, Reuel, Raguel, 
Hobab the Kenite). 

90. Egyptian-Palestinian history. — a. During the sojourn 
in Egypt, h. During the 40 years, c. For the decades fol- 
lowing the 40 years. 

91- The history of the fortieth year. — Sketch it. 



LECTURE XIY. 

The Conquest by Joshua. Josh, i-xxiv. 

92. The extent of the land to he conquered. — From the 
Mediterranean to the Euphrates (Josh. i. 4 and parallel 
passages). 

93. Physical geography. — a. Give an account of the Arabah, 
the Jordan valley, with its extensions north and south, b. 
Of the Mishor, the plateau to the east of the Jordan valley, 
c. Of the Bashan region, including the volcanic Argob. d. 
Of the hdr, the mountain country west of the Jordan, e. Of 
the Shephelah, the Mediterranean lowlands. /. Of the 
Ashdoth, the slopes, g. Of the Negeh^ the south country. 
h. Of the Midhbar, the wilderness, i. Of the Lebanon and 
Hermon region. 

94. The inhabitants and their geographical location. — Be- 
sides the kindred peoples, the Moabites, Ammonites, etc., 
who were exempt from conquest, there were : a. Giants : Og 
and his Rephaim, other Eephaim (Josh. xvii. 15), Anakim, 
Avvim. b. Philistines, c. Canaanitic peoples : First, the 
Canaanite proper, lowlanders, either including or excluding 
the Phoenicians. Second, the Amorite, highlanders. Third, 
the Jebusite, the Hivvite, the Perizzite, the Girgashite. d. 
The Hittite, mainly to the north, e. Aramaean peoples, 
doubtless, to the northeast. 

95. Possibilities of formidable resistance. — These peoples 
existed in the form of a great number of petty kingdoms. 
But they had a traditional way of banding themselves together 
for war under the dictatorship of some one king, which made 
them a military power not to be despised even by the great 
empires of Egypt or Assyria. 

96. The principal events. — Extend your column of the 
years of the migration of Abraham, and place the following 
events : a. Accession of Joshua (Josh. i. 1-9). b. Crossing 
the Jordan and capture of Jericho and Ai (i.lO-viii.29). On the 
left hand page note the following dated events : the spies (ii. 



234 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

16, 22); the preparations for moving (i. 11, iii. 2); the night by 
the river (iii. 1, 5 cf. 7); the crossing (iv. 19); the recircum- 
cision (v. 2-9); the passover (v. 10); Jericho (vi. 1, 4, etc.). c. 
Solemnities at Ebal and Gerizim (viii. 30-35), perhaps at the 
time of the feast of booths (^iii. 34-35 cf. Deut. xxxi. 10-13), 
the intervening weel^s having been occupied in overrunning 
the region from Ai northward. d. The surrender of the 
Gibeonites (ix). e. The battle at Gibeon, the first of the two 
great battles of the conquest, fought with a confederacy of 
southern kings and followed by the subjugation of the region 
to the south (x). f. Battle of the waters of Merom, the second 
great battle, fought with a confederacy of northern kings (xi- 
xii). g. Second assignment of territory (xiii-xvii). The 
first assignment had been that of the region east of the Jordan 
to the two and one half tribes ; the second assignment now is 
to Judah, Ephraim and the other half of Manasseh, and covers 
much more than their share of the territory west of the 
Jordan, h. In connection with this assignment, the incident 
of Caleb (Josh. xiv. 6-15) ; enter it as a dated event, dating 
also this division of territory (xiv. 7, 10 cf. xi. 18; also xiii. 1, 
xxiii. 1, cf. Ex. xvii. 9. xxiv. 13, etc.) i. Third assignment of 
territory — to the remaining seven tribes (xviii-xix) ; much of 
the land that had in the second assignment been given to 
Jadah and Joseph is now given to the other tribes, j. Cities 
of refuge and Levite cities (xx-xxi). k. Return of the 40,000 
(xxii). L Final arrangements (xxiii-xxiv). Josephus says 
that Joshua lived 25 years after the death of Moses. More 
probably he died soon after the 7 years of xiv. 10. 

97. Events later than Joshua. — a. Caleb's conqu<\sts (xv. 
14-19 cf. Jud. i. 10-15). b. Capture of Leshem.(xix. 47-48 cf. 
Jud. xvii-xviii). c. The tribute service arrangement (xvii. 
12-13, XV. 63, etc.). d. (xxiv. 29-33). e. Other instances, 
likely. 

98. The iyicompleteness of the conquest. — a. In the extent of 
the territory overrun, as compared with that promised, h. 
In the unsubdued parts of the territory that was overrun 
(Josh. xiii. 1-6, Jud. iii. 1-6, ii. 1-5). c. In the losing either 



INSTITUTIONS IN TIME OF JOSHUA. 235 

temporarily or permanently of many places once captured, 
e. g. Bethel, Hebron, Debir, and many others, d. In the 
suddenness with which the conquest ceased. Inferred from 
comparison between the second and third assignments of 
territory. 

99. The extermination of the Canaanites. — Its ethical 
aspects. 

100. Caleb. — Sketch his career and character. 

101. Phinehas. — Sketch his career with especial care (Num. 
XXV. 7, 11, xxxi. 6, Ps. cvi. 30, Josh. xxii. 13, 30, 31, 32, xxiv. 
29-33, Jud. XX. 1, 28 cf. xviii. 27-29 and the context). 

102. Joshua. — Sketch his life and the history of Israel under 
him. 



LECTURE Xy. 
The Iis^sTiTUTioNS of Iseael as Joshua Established the:h. 

103. Israel at rest. — The "rest" promised in Deut. xii. 10 
was regarded as established ; though doubtless as but imper- 
fectly established (Ex. xxxiii. 14, Ps. xcv. 11, Deut. xxv. 19, 
iii. 20, Josh. i. 13, 15, xxi. 44, xxii. 4, xxiii. 1). 

104. The national sanctuary. — The centre of national wor- 
ship was the ark and the tent of meeting. These were mov- 
able. If they moved separately, the ark was the centre. In 
the later years of Joshua these were located, though w^ith the 
possibility of removal, at Shiloh, thus giving to Shiloh more 
of the character of a national capital than was possessed by 
any other place (Josh, xviii. 1, 6, 8, 9, 10, xix. 51, xxi. 2, 
xxii. 9, 12, 19, 29, etc., but cf. xxiv. 1, 26). 

105. Literature in Joshua's time —a. Business in writing 
(Josh. viii. 32, xviii. 4, 6. 8, 9). h. Literature (Josh. xv. 15, 
16, X. 12-14, Num. xxi. 14, etc.). c. Sacred writings (Josh. i. 
8, viii. 31, 34, xxiii. 6, xxiv. 26, and all the places in the Hexa- 
teuch in which writing is mentioned). 



236 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

106. Sacred laws. — The priests — the Levites — the cities of 
refuge — the worship at the tent of meeting, etc. 

107. The great pro77^^se.— Exhibited chiefly in the estab- 
lishing of the institutions of Israel. 



PART II. 
PERIOD OF THE CHANGING SANCTUARY 
JOSHUA TO DAVID. 



LECTURE XVI. 
Introductoey. 



108. The name of the period. — It is taken from 2 Sam. vii. 
6, 1 Chron. xvii. 5. 

109. Its character i.stic. — Israel in the promised land, im 
perfectly at rest. The rest that began in Joshua's time (Qu. 
103) is thought of as disturbed and broken, in contrast with 
the more complete rest thar Ccirae, under David, with the 
arrangements for the permanent temple (2 Sam. vii. 1, 11, 1 
Chron. xxii. 9-11, 18-19, xxiii. 25-26, xxviii. 2, 1 Ki. v. 4-5, 
viii. 56^ 2 Chron. vi. 41, 42. Ps. cxxxii. 8, etc.). The centre 
of national worship is the ark, ordinarily kept in the tent of 
meeting, long located at Shiloh, but movable. There is equal- 
ly a lack of a permanent national capital. 

110. Limits of the period. — Strictly, from the division of 
the land under Joshua to the building of the temple by 
Solomon. But it is practically the same thing to count the 
events from the death of Joshua to the death of David, and 
this is actually done in the bible records. The point of divi- 
sion between Samuel and Kings, or between First and Second 
Chronicles, is the accession of Solomon. The chronology is 
counted from the crossing of the Jordan under Joshua. 

111. Biblical sources of information. — a. The principal 



SOURCES FOR SECOND PERIOD. 287 

work. Judges, Ruth, and 1 and 2 Samuel, b. 1 Chronicles. 
c. Other mentions in the bible, particularly in the book of 
Joshua, and in the psalms that purport to be of the time of 
David. 

112. The principal historical series for the period. — It is a 
unit, made up as follows : a. Prefatory matters (Jud. i-ii. 5). 
6. Continuous history of the Judges (ii. 6-xiii. 1); this is the 
only part that has a consecutive chronology, c. Six personal 
stories (xiii. 2-xvi, xvii-xviii, xix-xxi, Ruth, 1 Sam. i. 1- 
iv. la, ix. 1-x. 16). d. JN"arratives of public history or of the 
life of David (1 Sam. iv. lb to 2 Sam. xx, omitting 1 Sam. 
ix. 1-x. 16); the first of these narratives takes up the history 
at the point where Jud. ii. 6-xiii. 1 leaves it. e. Six append- 
ices (2 Sam. xxi. 1-14, 15-22, xxii, xxiii. 1-7, 8-39, xxiv). 
Some of the narratives for the time of David are out of 
chronological order, and the six stories and six appendices 
are placed without regard to chronological order. Jewish 
tradition attributes this series to the prophets Samuel, Gad, 
and Nathan, and no one disputes that they may at least have 
furnished the materials for it. The earlier narratives of 
public history may have been written before the the death of 
Samuel ; most of the other parts of the series were written as 
late as the reign of David ; notwithstanding many strong 
assertions to the contrary, the series bears no marks later than 
the probable lifetime of Nathan, within the limits of the reign 
of Solomon. 

113. First Chronicles . — a. Genealogies, with incidents in- 
terpersed (i-ix). h. Passages transcribed with slight changes 
from 1 and 2 Samuel (x. 1-12, e. g.), alternating with abridge- 
ments from 1 and 2 Samuel (x. 13-14, e. g.), and with sections 
of new matter (xii, e. g.), the new matter consisting mainly of 
details, or of statements concerning the temple (x. 1-xxii). 
c. The making of Solomon king the first time (xxiii. 1-xxix. 
22a). d. The making of Solomon king the second time, 
abridged from 1 Ki. i (xxxix. 22b-25). e. Closing statements 
and "L^Y." (xxix. 26-30). Written perhaps 200 years after 
the destruction of Solomon's temple. 



238 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

114. Divisions. — The second great period is properly divided 
into four parts : the time of the hero judges, Joshua to the 
death of Gideon ; the time of the successive judges, the death 
of Gideon to that of Eli ; the time of Samuel and Saul, be- 
ginning with the death of Eli ; the time of David. 

115. Especial difficulties. — Four such, among others, are 
presented by the history of this period : first the alleged 
vagueness of many of the statements ; second, the alleged 
inconsistency of the statements with each other and with 
probability ; third, especially, the alleged unnatural multiply- 
ing of forties in the chronology ; fourth, the alleged weakness 
of the long numbers. The detailed study of these belongs 
with the details of the history, but certain general considera- 
tions should be noticed as preliminary. 

116. Alleged uncertainty and inconsistency of statement. — 
We may escape many difficulties of these classes : first, by 
not confusing the character of the time of the hero judges 
with that of the successive judges, as is commonly done ; 
second, by duly regarding the marks of literary structure ; 
third, by correctly interpreting the chronological numerals ; 
fourth, by being watchful to arrange the events in their true 
order ; fifth, by carefully noticing the time data, as given in 
the events themselves ; sixth, by avoiding the vicious con- 
jectures and hypotheses that have here been so much used as 
a substitute for careful study, e. g. the hypotheses that some 
of the judges were local. 

117. The forties.— in the history of this period the chron- 
ological number 40 appears in seven instances, and the number 
80 once. It is alleged to be incredible that so many events oc- 
curred occupying each just 40 years, and the chronology is there- 
fore alleged to be untrustworthy. But we shall find that the 
first three of these forties and the 80 form a group by them- 
selves, marking the peculiarly computed chronology of a period 
of 200 years. The 40 of Jud. xiii. 1 applies to the same event 
with that 1 Sam. iv. 18. The books of Samuel represent that 
the reign of David was properly 41 years, as years are usually 
counted in the bible, the number 40 being applied to it only 



FORTIES AND LONG NUMBERS. 239 

in a general way. It thus appears that the reigns of Eli and 
of Saul are the only two events of the period which are said 
to have lasted just 40 years. That there should be two such 
events is not incredible, even if we add that the exodus and 
the reign of Solomon, jast before and just after this period, 
each lasted also 40 years. In itself it is likely that some of 
these forties are general and inexact, but not to the extent of 
vitiating the chronology. 

118. The long numbers. — Accord 1 Ki. vi. 1, the fourth year 
of Solomon was the 480th year "to the coming out of the sons 
of Israel from the land of Egypt." This phrase " the coming 
out from Egypt " is applied in Josh. v. 5 cf. 4, to the whole 
period of the 40 years in the wilderness. In Deut. xxiv. 9 it 
is applied to an event in the second year of the 40, and to the 
last year of the 40 in Deut. iv. 45, 46, xxiii. 4 (5), and other 
places. When it is used for giving a date, we may be sure 
that the date is counted from either the beginning or close of 
the 40. The statement in Kings, therefore, is that the fourth 
year of Solomon was 480 years after either the beginning or the 
close of the 40 years of the exodus. It is alleged that this con- 
tradicts Acts xiii. 20, which speaks of the time of the judges as 
450 years to Samuel, there being 90 years between Samuel and 
Solomon. Evidently there is no contradiction if the author 
of Kings counts from the close of the 40 years of the exodus, 
and Paul from their beginning. It is further alleged that 
both those numbers disagree with the detailed numbers given 
in Judges and Samael ; but we shall see that the alleged dis- 
agreement vanishes when we simply give to the detailed 
numbers their natural meaning. One needs to settle these 
questions before discussing the longer chronology given by 
Josephus and other ancients, or the shorter, advocated by 
many moderns. 



Part II. Fiest*Divisiok. 



LECTURE XYIL 
The Hero Judges. Jud. i-viii, xvii-xxi. 



") 



119. Marks of distinction. — a. After the death of Gideon, 
and not before, the years of each judge are given, b. Before 
the death of Gideon, and nowhere else, we find periods when 
" the land was quiet forty years" (iii. 11, 30, v. 31, viii. 28). 

c. Up to Gideon the judges are all heroes, raised up for special 
exigencies ; after Gideon, one judge immediately succeeds 
another, and none are heroes save Sampson and Jephthah. 

d. In Gideon's time, it was proposed to modify the theocratic 
constitution of Israel by establishing hereditary monarchy 
(Jud. viii. 22-23) ; at his death the constitution was evidently 
changed, though not to this exent. 

120. The forty year periods of quiet. — Under the successive 
judges the chronology is counted, as was usual in ancient 
times, in the years of the ruling chief magistrate. It could 
not be so counted for the earlier time, because there were then 
no successive chief magistrates. Hence, a different chrono- 
logical method was needed for that time, and this method is 
found in the successive forties of years when the land " was 
quiet." a. These forties cover the whole time, the other 
numerals that are given being included in them. h. The 
counting by forties is to the final terminus only (Qu. 20). 
The meaning is, in each case, that the land remained quiet to 
the close of the forty year period then current (cf. 1 Sam. vii. 
15, xiv. 52, and the references under Qu. 20). c. The 80 
(Jud. iii. 30) is the statement of the second and third forties. 
In this continuous part of his history the author mentions no 
event of the second 40 years, and so he combines the second 
wath the third. 

121. Method. — Read Lectures I, II and III of this syllabus, 
attending especially to Qus. 15a, 17, 18, 19, 21. 



TIME OF THE HERO JUDGES. 241 

Have a book ruled as required in Qu. 21. If you use a 
book of 240 pages, begin the work for Lecture XYII about 
page 93, so as to leave room for the earlier parts of the history 
in their order. 

Write at the head of the middle ruled column the letters 
A. T. J. (Anno Transitus per Jordanem, the year of crossing 
the Jordan), and fill the column with the numerals 1, 2, 8, 
etc., up to 200, using 25 lines on a page. This will give you a 
standard by which to arrange and compare the chronological 
data given in the Bible. 

In the first narrow column to the left of your column A. T. 
J. write the numbers 1, 2, 3, etc., for the years mentioned in 
Qu. 123 a. writing the event itself and the biblical reference 
in the broad column to the right. From this point you will 
be able to follow the directions given in the syllabus. 

122. The generic process of the history. — State it (Jud. ii. 
11-23). 

1 123. The first 40 years. — a. Enter the 7 years of Josh. xiv. 
7, 10 ; and enter where you think they belong the 8 years of 
the first oppression (Jud. iii. 8). b. Sketch the incidents after 
the death of Joshua (Jud. i. 1-ii. 5). c. How important an 
affair was the oppression of Cushan-rishathaim (iii. 7-11)? d. 
Give an account of Othniel, the first judge. 

124. The second 40 years. — a. Enter the events of the 
story, xvii-xviii. b. Those of xix-xxi. c. The probable close 
of the life of Phinehas (Qu. 101). 

125. The third 40 years. — a. Enter the 18 years of the op- 
pression by Eglon (iii. 14). b. Sketch this oppression, and 
the deliverance by Ehud, comparing this with the previous 
oppression. 

126. The fourth 40 years.. — a. Place the 20 years of the op- 
pression of Jabin (Jud. iv. 3). b. Sketch this o]3pression and 
the rescue under Deborah and Barak (iv-v). c. The contem- 
porary oppression and rescue under Shamgar (iii. 31, v. 6). 

127. The fifth 40 years. — a. Place the 7 years of the Midianite 
oppression (Jud. vi. 1). b. Sketch the oppression, and the 
rescue under Gideon, and the subsequent events (vi-viii). 



^43 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

128. Summary. — Make a review of the history of the period, 
the events, the conditions of civilization disclosed, etc. 



Part II. Second Division. 



LECTURE XYIII. 

The Successive Judges. Jad. ix-xvi, Ruth, 1 Sam. i-iv. 

129. Dated events. — a. Continue your A. T. J. column to 400 
years, h. In the column next to the left enter the years of the 
successive chief magistrates of Israel : Abimelech (Jud. ix. 22); 
Tola and Jair (x. 2, 3); Samson (xv. 20, xvi. 31); the Ammon- 
ite oppression (x. 8); Jephthah, Ibzan, Elon, Abdon (xii. 7, 9, 
11, 14); Eli (Jud. xiii. 1, 1 Sam. iv. 18). 

130. Abimelech. — a. Sketch his career. &. Are the exploits 
attributed to him mostly national or local ? c. Was he ''cap- 
tain of Israel" (ix. 22) nationally? or was he a mere local 
chieftain * 

131. 7^he Ammonite oppression. — Should the numeral in 
Jud. X. 8, be included in the chronological scheme, along with 
those for the reigns of the judges 1 

132. Samson. — a. The name seems to be derived from Shem- 
esh, the sun. Samson's strength was in his hair, and the sun's 
strength is in his rays. The story is full of marvels, though 
less so than would seem from the current interpretation. Do 
these things prove that the story is a sun-myth, and not his- 
torical ? b. The story is in two parts (xiii. 2-xv. 20, and xvi; 
note especially the tense in the last clause of each part). Do 
the 20 years that Samson was judge belong mainly with the 
first part ? or with the second part 'i or between the two parts? 
c. Is it represented that Samson's great strength was persist- 
ently with him ? or was it a special gift, bestowed on particular 
occasions (xiii. 25, xiv. 6, 19, xv. 14, xvi. 17, 20, 28)? d. Is it 
represented that Samson was a leader of men ? or merely that 
he was by himself a strong man (xv. 4, 15, 20, etc.)? e. How 



TIME OF THE SUCCESSIVE JUDGES. 24B 

about Samson as a humorist ? /. As judge, was he a success ? 
In particular, did he effect a deliverance from the Philistines 
(xiii. 5 ; also xiv. 4, xv. 11-12, etc., compared with the fact 
that in xvi the Philistines keep on their own side of the bor- 
der)? g. Four Philistine oppressions are mentioned : first, 
that of Shamgar (iii. 31, x. 11) ; second, that before the Am- 
monite ojjpression (x. 7) ; third, that of the time of Eli ; 
fourth, that of the time of Saul. To which of the four does 
Samson belong ? h. Was Samson judge of Israel ? or merely 
a local judge ? i. His character, as a man who would keep 
fooling with temptations ? 

133. Jephthah. — a. Sketch his career, b. Does the 300 (Jud. 
xi. 26) fit the chronology of the period as you have thus far 
written it ? 

134. Eli. — a. The Philistines were interested to prevent Is- 
rael from being united under a chief magistrate (1 Sam. vii. 7, 
2 Sam. V. 17). b. Note three remarkable things concerning 
Eli : First, he was a high-priest descended from Ithamar and 
not from Eleazar (see concordance). Second, the only high- 
priest who acted as judge. Third, his administration coincid- 
ed with a Philistine oppression, c. In view of these things : 
First, is it probable that the administration of Eli began with 
devastating wars i Second, how about the material prosperity 
of IsraeLduring the later years of Eli (1 Sam. i-iv, especially 
iv. 2, 10) ? d. Conjecture the date of the birth of Samuel, and 
enter it in your chronology. 

135. The incidents of the book of Ridh. — Jesse the father 
of David was an old man in the days of Saul (1 Sam. xvii. 12). 
Samuel was an old man at the beginning of Saul's reign (viii. 
1). That is to say, Samuel apparently belonged to the same 
generation with Obed, the father of Jesse (Ruth iv. 21-22). 
a. Supposing Obed to have been born early in the second 
decade of Eli's administration, how does that fit the ten years 
of Ruth i. 4 ? and how does the storj^ tit the rest of what we 
know in regard to the period ? b. In all the genealogies, Sal- 
mon is the only link mentioned between Boaz and Nahshon 
(Ru. iv. 20, 21, 1 Chron. ii. 11, Mat. i. 4-5, Luke iii. 32), Nah- 



244 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

shon being prince of Jndah in the first year of the exodus 
(Num. i. 7, ii. 3, vii. 12, 17, x. 14). According to Mat. i. 5, 
Salmon married Rahab, a^pparently the Rahab of Josh. ii. 
Does this prove that some of these accounts are unhistorical ? 
or that we must date the incidents of the book of Ruth earlier 
in the times of the judges 1 or that the period of the judges 
must all be compressed into the time of two or three genera- 
tions? or that the genealogies omit several generations between 
Salmon and Boaz? c. Sketch the story of Ruth. d. The 
Canaanites Shua, Tamar, Rahab, and the Moabite Ruth are 
mentioned by name as among the ancestors of David ; what 
significance is there in this ? 

136. The Shiloh sanctuary in EW s time. — a. Gather partic- 
ulars as to the sanctuary and the worship there, h. Compare 
these with the particulars required in the pentateuchal laws 
for the national sanctuary. 

137. Summary. — Sketch the history of the period, especially 
noting differences between this and the period of the hero 
judges. 



Part II. Third Division. 



LECTURE XIX. 
Samuel and Saul. 1 Sam. v-xxxi. 

138. Dated events. — a. Extend your column of the years 
from the close of the exodus to 480 or more. h. In the 
column to the left, write the years that Israel lamented after 
Yahweh (1 Sam. vii. 2); opposite 480 write 4 (1 Ki. vi. 1); 
backward from that point, fill the left hand column with the 
first 4 years of Solomon, the 41 years of David (2 Sam. v. 5), 
the 40 years of Saul (Acts xiii. 21); fill the remainder of the 
column with the years of Samuel. 

339. Length of SamueVs administration. — a. How old do 
you judge that Samuel was at the death of Eli ? h. How old 



ADMINISTRATION OF SAMUEL. 245 

at the close of the 20 years (1 Sam. vii. 2) ? c. How old when 
he died (xxv. 1, xxviii. 3)? d. How old when he made his 
sons judges (viii. 1) ? e. How old at the accession of Saul ? 
f. Is the period of 18 or 19 years given to Samuel in your 
Dated Events lon^ enough and not too long 1 

140. The interregnum of 20 years. — a. The position of Sam- 
uel at the beginning of it (iii. 19-iv. 1). b. The principal 
events (v. 1-vii. 2). c. The policy of Samuel during this 
period (vii. 2-4). d. To what extent was it probably a period 
of material prosperity ? 

141. ''All the days of.^^ — Samuel remained judge till his 
death (vii. 15); though after the accession of Saul, the judge 
was no longer chief magistrate, being outranked by the king. 
Israel remained successful against the Philistines as long as 
Samuel continued chief magistrate (vii. 13), this not being 
contradicted by x. 5. 

142. SamueV s administroiion. — The account of it is so 
brief that one might easily miss the fact that it is represented 
as remarkably successful, a. His accession (vii 5-12). h. 
Military successes (vii. 7-14). c. His judicial arrangements 
(vii. 16-17). If Gilgal of the Jordan valley and Mizpeh of 
Gilead are meant, his circuit was geographically national, d. 
Peace with the Amorite (vii. 14). e. The nation that he 
handed over to his successor (xi. 8, xv. 4. xiii. 5, etc.). f. 
The desire for a king was due to anxiety for the future, not to 
any lack of present prosperity, g. With these points in 
mind, sketch the history. 

143. The establishment of the kingdom.— Become familiar 
with the several steps taken (viii-xii). 

144. The reign of Saul. — It is best considered in three 
divisions : first, his early years, when he and Samuel were 
in accord (x. 17-xiii. 2); second, the years when he and Sam- 
uel had differences (xiii. 3-xv. 35) ; third, the time after 
Samuel's withdrawal from the government (xv. 35). 

145. The first part of SauVs reign. — a. He was distinctly a 
young man. That is the impression made by the narrative, 
and it is confirmed by the tradition or conjecture interpolated 



246 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

into the revised version (xiii. 1). He may have been a married 
man, having one or more little children, b. The defeat of 
JN'ahash occurred near the close of his first year, and the con- 
firmation of the kingdom soon after the beginning of his 
second year (xii. 11 and the whole context), c. He dismissed 
the people, establishing his headquarters, with 2,000 men, at 
Michmash "and in the mountain country of Bethel," while 
another thousand guarded his home and the crown prince 
Jonathan at Gibeah, near by. Presumably Jonathan was now 
a little boy. d. Then followed a period of uneventful pros- 
perity, lasting till Jonathan was a warrior grown (xiii. 3). 
The prosperity is proved by the tremendous effort the 
Philistines found it necessary to make (xiii. 5) to recover 
their lost power, e. These specifications show that the king 
James version correctly interprets xiii. 1. The text shoula be 
printed w^ith a paragraph division after xiii. 2, and careful 
attention should be given to the circumstantial clauses in xiii. 
3, 4, 5. /. This view not contradicted by xiv. 52, which is an 
ex:pression that contemplates the final terminus only. 

146. The second part of SauTs reign. — The following events 
are mentioned : war with the Philistines precipitated by the 
act of Jonathan (xiii. 3) ; quarrel with Samuel (xiii. 8-15) ; 
utter subjugation by the Philistines Txiii. 3-23) ; successful 
revolt (xiv. 1-46) ; the Amalekite war (xv) ; the hnal disagree- 
ment with Samuel (xv. 9-35). The summary introduced 
among these narratives (xiv. 47-52) mentions other important 
exploits of Saul, which we have no means of dating, but 
which give additional importance to his reign. 

147. The third part of the reign of Said. —Prom 1 Sam. xvi 
on. David becomes really the subject of the narratives. They 
describe how God caused Samuel to anoint David, and then 
the successive steps by which David, while remaining loyal to 
Saul, became his successor. The accounts we have of Saul 
relate principally to his desperate wars with the Philistines, 
or to his attempts to destroy David. Pearl the narrati p with 
sufficient care so that you can tell the sio- y. 

148. Special problems in regard to Saul— a. His evil spirit. 



PROBLEMS OF TIME OF SAUL. 247 

b. The witch of Endor. c. The two accounts of his deatli. 

149. Geography. — Yon will not properly understand this 
part of the history unless you read it, carefully tracing on the 
map all its recognizable geographical features. 

150. Sanctuary problems. — a. What became of Shiloli after 
the ark was captured ? 6. In what capacity did the men of 
Kiriathjearim take charge of the ark (concordance) ? c. How 
about the ''hill" where they kept it (see concordance? 
remembering that ''hill'' is ''gibeah")? d. How^ about 1 
Sam. xiv. 18-19 ? e. How about altars or sacrifice or sanctuary 
at Bethshemesh, Mizpeh, Ramah, Gilgal, Bethlehem, Nob, 
Aijalon (1 Sam. xiv. 31)? /. How about "the house of the 
Lord,*' or the place "before the Lord," in the times of 
Samuel and Saul ? 

151. Samuel. - Sketch his life and public services. 

152. The history of Israel. — Sketch it for the times of Eli, 
Samuel and Saul. 



Part II. Fourth Division^. History of David. 



LECTURE XX. 
Earlier History of David. 1 Sam. xvi-2 Sam. iv. 

153. Difficulties. — The traditional interpretation of the bible 
account of the life of David represents it -as a series of alter- 
nations between the highest moral and spiritual excellence, 
and the grossest wickedness ; betw^een the most perfect 
reverence for the ceremonial laws of Israel and the most reck- 
less neglect of those laws ; and, further, represents David as 
performing the most taxing and conspicuous labors of his life, 
those described in 1 Chron. xxiii-xxix, after he had become 
physically and mentally helpless (1 Ki. i). It is not surpris- 
ing that many, assuming the common interpretation to be 
correct, reject much of the history, and especially that part of 
it which attributes many of our existing psalms to David. 

But the traditional interpretation is palpably incorrect, 



248 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

especially in its neglect of three important facts clearly given 
in the narratives of the bible, a. David brought up the ark 
to Jerusalem, not at the beginning of his reign, but after his 
wars of conquest (1 Chron. xiii. 5.). b. It follows that the 
phrase "after this," 2 Sam. viii. 1, x. 1 et al., is a phrase 
transferred from narratives that were here copied into our 
present accounts, and does not indicate that the events 
occurred in the order in which they are narrated in our present 
books. G. There should be a paragraph division in the middle 
of 1 Chron. xxix. 22, like that which the revisers have made 
in 1 Sam. iv. 1. In these last chapters of 1 Chronicles we have 
an account of Solomon's being made king (xxiii. l~xxix. 22a), 
followed by an account of his being made king "a second 
time" (xxix. 22b-25), this second account being evidently a 
condensation of 1 Ki. i. d. When proper attention is paid to 
these three facts, the biblical events of the life of David fall 
into intelligible order, and most of the difficulties vanish. 

154. Divisions. — The reign of David may be divided into 
four parts : the time when he was king of Judah ; the time of 
his wars, defensive and offensive ; the time of rest ; and the 
time of domestic troubles. The present lecture will treat of 
his pre regnal life and his reign over Judah. 

155. The ages of certain persons. — David was 30 years old 
at the death of Saul (2 Sam. v. 4). Mephibosheth, Jonathan's 
son, was then 5 years old (2 Sam. iv. 4). Ishbosheth, one of 
Saul's younger sons, was forty at about that time (ii. 10). 
Saul and his uncle Abner were not yet incapacitated by age. 
We may conjecture that Jonathan was not quite 45, and that 
Saul was under 70. When David slew Goliath, he may have 
been 20, Jonathan perhaps 32. and Saul about 56. 

156. David the stripling. — a. Anointed (1 Sam xvi. 1-13). 
h. Saul's minstrel and armorbearer (xvi. 14-23). c. Goliath 
(xvii. 1-54, 1 Chron. xi. 12-14, 2 Sam. xxiii. 9-10). First, 
was David then already Saul's armorbearer (xvii. 15, xviii. 
5-10) ? Second, how about Saul and Abnnr not knowing hira 
(xvii. 55-58)? Third, " to Jerusalem " (54). Fourth, Goliath's 
sword (xxi. 9, xxii. 10). Fifth, Ps. cli, in tiie Septuagint. d, 
David' s character at this time ? 



EARLY LIFE OF DAVID. 249 

157. David 'in office under Said. — a. Gfeneral statement 
(xviii. 5, 30). b. How came it about (6-16). c. " Israel and 
Judah" (16). d. Merab and Michal (17-29). e. David's 
growing reputation (30). /. His character at this stage t 
•■158. David a fugitive.- -a. Repeated attemps on his life 
(xix-xx, Ps. lix). b. The prophets favor him (xix. 18-24). 
c. The priests favor him, to their own destruction (xxi. 1-9, 
s;xii. 7-23, Ps. lii, title), d. Flight to the Philistines (xxi. 
10-15, Pss. xxxiv, Ivi). e. Gathers followers (xxii. 1-2). /. 
Takes his father and mother to Moab (xxii. 3-5). g. Abiathar 
joins him, bringiug ephod (xxii. 6-23, xxiii. 6-13). h. Keilah 
(xxiii. 1-13). i. Ziph and Maon (xxiii. 14-29, Ps. liv). j. 
Wilderness of Engedi, Saul's skirt (xxiv, Pss. Ixiii, Ivii, cxlii). 
k. David's character thus far ? 

159. David after the death of Samuel. — a. Nabal (xxv. 
1-39). b. David becomes a polygamist (40-44). c. The sons 
of Zerttiah appear on the scene (xxvi. 6). d. Saul's spear and 
cruse (xxvi). e. Changes in David's character'^ 

160 The sixteen months with the Philistines. — a. Ziklag 
(xxvii. 1-7, 12). b. Brigandage (8-11). c. His willingness to 
fight against Israel (xxviii. 1-2, xxix). d. Smiting of Ziklag 
and revenge for it (xxx. 1-25). e. David's ethical progress 
(including xxx. 7-8 as well as the rest of the story). 

161. The reign of Ishbosheth. — Sketch it as specifically as 
possible, giving dates (2 Sam. ii-iv). 

162. Said. — Sketch his character and career. 

163. Abner. — Sketch his deeds and his character. 

1Q4:. Jonathan. — a. Make a sketch of his life and his friend- 
ship with David (1 Sam. xiii. 2 sq., xviii. 1-4, xix. 1-7, xx, 
xxiii. 14-18, 2 Sam. i. 17-27). b. At what date did David's 
practical gratitude to Jonathan manifest itself (2 Sam. iv. 4, 
and ix especially ver. 12). 

165. David king of Judah. — a. JN'ews from the battle of 
G-ilboa (2 Sam. i). b. Courtesies to chiefs of Judah (1 Sam. 
xxx. 26-31). c. Anointed in Hebron (2 Sam. ii. 1-4). d. 
Period of contest with the northern tribes (ii-iv). 

166. His treatment of the house of Saul. — a. Avenging the 



250 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

deaths of Saul and Ishbosheth. b. His elegy (2 Sam. i. 17-27), 
and his expressions of kind feeling (ii. 5-7). c. Michal (iii. 
12-16). d. His honoring Abner, but not avenging him (27-39). 
e. The silence as to his doing anything for Jonathan's family. 
167. Other points in his conduct at this stage. — a. His con- 
sulting Yahweh (ii. 1). b. His conciliatory policy toward 
northern Israel, c. His conduct was in many respects admir- 
able, but have we any distinct evidence that he maintained, 
at this time, a high moral or spiritual standard ? 



LECTURE XXI. 
David's Waes. 2 Sam. v, x-xii, xxi. 15-22, xxiii, viii. 

168. Made king of all Israel. — Become familiar with the 
particulars (2 Sam. v. 1-16, 1 Chron. xi. 1-9, xii. 1-40, xiv. 
1-7). a. The feeling that led to it (2 Sam. v. 1-3, 1 Chron. 
xi. 1-3). b. Jerusalem captured (2 Sam. v. 6-8, 1 Chron. xi. 
4-6). c. The competition for the office of general in chief (1 
Chron. xi. 6). d. The new capital (2 Sam. v. 9-16, 1 Chron. 
xi. 8-9, xiv. 1-7), noting that these events cover several years. 

169. Philistine wars. — Enter the following as dated events, 
assuming that there was a war for each year. a. David's first 
defensive campaign against the Philistines (2 Sam. v. 17-21, 
xxiii. 13-17, 1 Chron. xiv. 8-12, xi. 15-19). Show that this 
campaign was a desperate one. b. His second defensive 
campaign (2 Sam v. 22-25, 1 Chron. xiv. 13-17). c. His four 
aggressive campaigns against the Philistines (2 Sam. xxi. 
15-22, 1 Chron. xx. 4-8). d. The outcome of these six 
campaigns (2 Sam. viii. 1, 1 Chron. xviii. 1). 

170. David'' s retirement from active military service. — a. 
Date it (2 Sam. xxi. 15-17). b. How did it come about ? c. 
How was his military prestige afterward kept up (2 Sam xii. 
26-31) ? d. How did he occupy himself (2 Sam. v. 9-16, 1 
Chron. xi. 7-9, xiv. 1-7) ? e. The probable effept on his char- 
acter ? 



CONQUESTS AND EMPIRE OF DAVID. 251 

171. David^s wars of conquest. — Enter them, according to 
your best judgment, as dated events, remembering that the 
summary, 2 Sam. viii, 1 Chron. xviii, refers in part to the same 
events which are elsewhere recorded more in full : a. The oc- 
casion that opened David's career of conquest (2 Sam. x. 1-5, 
1 Chron. xix. 1-5, together with Kuth and 1 Sam. xxii. 3-5, 
noticing the close relations that existed between Moab and 
Ammon). b. The Medeba campaign, in Moabite territory, 
against Moab, Amnion, the Hadarezer Aramaeans (Zobah, 
Rehob, Tob, Maacah) and mercenaries from Mesopotamia (2 
Sam. X. 6-14 cf. viii. 2, 1 Chron. xix. 6-15 cf . xviii. 2). c. The 
He! am campaign, against the Hadarezer Aramaeans and those 
from Mesopotamia (x. 15-18, viii. 3-4, 1 Chron. xix. 16-18, 
xviii. 3-4, title of Ps. Ix). d. The campaign against Hadarezer 
and the Damascus Aramaeans (2 Sam. viii. 5, 1 Chron. xviii. 
5, 1 Ki. xi. 23-25). e. Outcome in the subjugation of the 
Aramaeans (2 Sam. viii. 6-8, x. 19, 1 Chron. xviii. 6-8, xix. 
19). /. Submission of Hamath (2 Sam. viii. 9-11, 1 Chron. 
xviii. 9-10). g. Final successes against Ammon (2 Sam. xi, 
xii, 1 Chron. xx 1-3). h. Against Moab (2 Sam. viii. 2, 12, 1 
Chron. xviii. 2, 11). t. Against Edom (2 Sam. viii. 13-14, 1 
Chron. xviii. 12-13, 1 Ki. xi. 14-24, Ps. Ix). 

172. David's empire. — a. Trace his conquests geographical- 
ly, b. Indicate the extent of his dominion at the beginning 
and at the close of them. c. The natuie of his dominion over 
the Edomite, Moabite, Ammonite, and Aramaean regions (2 
Sam. viii. 2, 6, 1 Chron. xviii. 2, 6). d. To what extent did 
these conquests probably place Israelitish residents within 
those regions (2 Sam. viii. 6, 1 Chron. xiii. 5) ? e. The proba- 
ble effect of these conquests on Israel, in such matters as lux- 
ury, architecture, art, literature, culture, etc. 

173. Organization of David's government. — a. l^ote the 
duties of the several heads of departments (2 Sam. viii. 15-18, 
1 Chron. xviii. 14-17). h. Some of David's sons were now 
grown men ; how does this fit the dates you have obtained 
from the campaigns ? c. How about the oflSce held by David's 
sons ? Does it indicate that he, at this time, knew and respect- 
ed the pentateuchal laws ? 



253 CHRONOLOUY AND HISTORY. 



174. DavicT s great sin. — a. Date it (2 Sam. xi. 1, during 
the siege of Rabbah, see Qu. 171g. h. The season uf the year 
(2 Sam. xi. 1, 11, 1 Chron. xx. 1)'^ c. Was \he birth of Solo- 
mon (2 Sam. xii. 24-25 cf. 1 Chron. iii. 5) before the completion 
of the wars of conquest? or after? d. Was the rebuke of 
Nathan and the birth of the first child of David and Bathsheba 
(2 Sam. xii. 1-23) before the capture of Rabbah ? or after? 
e. Ps. li. 



LECTURE XXII. 
The Period of Rest in David's Reign. 2 Sam. vi, vii, ix. 

175. The date of the first attew,pt to bring the arh to Jer- 
usalem. — For this David gathered his officials from Hamath 
to Shihor of Egypt (1 Chron. xiii 5). a. Was this before his 
wars of conquest? or after? h. Before his repentance for his 
sin in the matter of Uriali ? or after ? c. Was his carrying 
the ark on a cart of a piece with his making his sons priests 
(2 Sam. viii. 18)? and do the two belong to the same part of 
his reign ? 

176. Tlie attempt itself. — The law required that the ark 
should be carried by rods on the shoulders of Levite priests. 
David, instead, attempted to bring it on a cart (2 Sam. vi. 1-11? 
1 Chron. xiii). The death of ITzzah was an admonition to him 
and his people. They were right in attempting to restore the 
national worship of Yahweh, but it was their duty to take the 
trouble to learn how to do it correctly. Their failure to do 
this was disrespectful to God, and needed to be severely re- 
buked, 

177. The ark brought in. — a. Carried by men, with sacrifices, 
music, and dancing (2 Sam. vi. 12-23, and more in detail in 1 
Chron. xv, xvi). b. Placed in a tent in Jerusalem, and ar- 
rangements made for religious services before it (2 Sam. vi. 17- 
18, 1 Chron. xvi). c. Arrangements for other services, includ- 
ing morning and evening burnt offering, at Gibeon, near by 



SPIRITUAL HISTORY OF DAVID. 253 

(1 Chron. xvi. 39-43). d. In connection with 1 Chron. xvi read 
Pss. cv, xcvi, cvi, cxxxii. 

178. The significance of this act, — After four centuries of un- 
certain prosperity and unsettled institutions, the nation now 
at last has a fixed capital and a permanent religious centre. 
The "rest," imperfectly given in Joshua's time (Qu. 103) is 
now more iwWy given (see " Eest " in concorciance). After the 
centuries during which the ark has moved from place to place, 
Yahweh has at last chosen a place to put his name there (Deut. 
xii. 10-11, 2 Chron. vi 4-6, 2 Sam. vii. 5-11, 1 Chron. xvii. 4- 
10, etc.). 

179. David' s spiritual history. — (1) For the time before the 
death of Samuel, David is presented to us as sj^iritually sensi- 
tive, and as attaining to remarkable heights of moral excel- 
lence. During this time, many psalms are connected with his 
name. For the time following his repentance for his great sin, 
many psalms are also attributed to him, and great excellence 
of character, though he is hampered and sorrowful, by reason 
of the disabilities he has brought upon himself. In contrast 
with both is the time between the death of Samuel and the re- 
pentance of David. For this period he displays manj^ public 
virtues, inchiding a certain regard for God and religion, and 
none of his conduct is worse than that of other men of his 
time, similarly situated. But for this part of his life : a. No 
psalms are attributed to him. Id. Nor any zeal for the national 
worship, c. Nor any especial religious excellence of any kind. 
d. Nor any adequate recognition of his debt of friendship to 
Jonathan, e. Nor, in short, any distinct marks of moral im- 
provement, to balance the many marks of moral deterioration. 
(2) In the matter of David's sin : a. Make a list of points in 
aggravation of its moral badness, h. A list of points in aggra- 
vation of its evil effect on David's position. (3) A man of 
David's insight and susceptibility cannot have been indiffer- 
ent to these things, a. What is likely to have been his state 
of mind daring the interval between his sin and God's accept- 
ing his rex^entance '{ b. Is there any connection between this 
and his cruelties, just at this time, to the peoples he conquered? 



254 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

(4) In the moral history of David as thus understood we have 
not a series of alternations from the loftiest heights to the lovi^- 
est depths. W%have him first on the heights ; then for more 
than twenty years he deteriorates ; then suddenly plunges to 
the lowest depths ; then repents, and from that time on re- 
mains faithful, though hindered by the burdens with which 
he has loaded himself. 

180. Mephibosheth.— The incidents of 2 Sam. ix apparently 
occurred after the birth of Mephibosheth' s son, and therefore 
after the wars of conquest. If the Ammiel of ix. 4, 5, is to be 
identified with Ammiel the father of Bathsheba (1 Chron. iii. 
5), she and Mephibosheth had probably been playmates, and 
it may have been through her influence that David at last 
showed affection for the son of his old friend. 

181. The fate of the house of Saul. — a. The statement that 
Michal had no son (2 Sam. vi. 23) is only a statement of fact, 
and not a statement that she was punished for her despising 
David. This historian regards the fact as important, both be- 
cause he has set himself the task of telling what became of the 
house of Saul, and because the son of David's senior wife, had 
there been one, would have had strong claims to be David's 
successor, b. Notice the fate of the two sons of Rizpah and 
the five sons of Merab (2 Sam. xxi. 1-14, 1 Sam. xviii. 17-19). 

c. Date the three years of famine (2 Sam. xxi. 1). The strong- 
er probabilities are those which favor a date a few years after 
the bringing up of the ark. 

182. The great promise. — Study the details of it, as sriven in 
2 Sam. vii and 1 Chron. xvii. a. Made to David when God 
had given him rest from all his enemies, b. Made in response 
to his wish to build a house for Yahweh. c. The promise is, 
centrally, that Yahweh will build David a house, that is, will 
give him a "seed," that is, a line of descendants, wJio shall 
reign eternally ; and this is irrevocable, even for their sins. 

d. This "seed" shall build the house for Yahweh. e. David 
evidently recognizes in the promise a distinguished renewal 
of the great covenant to Abraham and to Israel at the exodus. 

/. Read Pss. xviii and ii, noting how they celebrate David's 
victories in the light of this promise. 



LAST YEARS OF DAVID. 355 

183. Solomon born. — After the giving of this promise, and 
therefore after the bringing up of the ark (1 Chron. xxii. 8- 
10). Named Solomon in view of his peaceful reign, and in 
view of the wider reign of peace of the "seed " of David; 
and Jedidiah, "beloved of Yahweh," as being in the line of 
succession of the "seed" (2 Sam. xii. 24-25). 



LECTURE XXIII. 
Last Years of David. 2 Sam. xiii-xxiv, 1 Chron. xxi-xxix. 

184. Dated events. — Assuming that the phrase "from an 
end of forty years" (2 Sam. xv. 7) designates the close of the 
fortieth year of David's reign ; assuming also that Josephus 
is correct {Ant. YII. ix. 1) in saying that "four years had 
elapsed since his father's reconciliation to him"; enter the 
following as dated events: a. Absalom's four conspicuous 
years, b. His two years of seclusion in Jerusalem (xiv. 28). 
c. His three years of banishment (xiii. 38). d. His two years 
of waiting for vengeance (xiii. 23). 

185. David suffering from retributive justice. — In these suc- 
cessive events and those that followed, he is graphically repre- 
sented as reaping the bad harvests from the bad seed he has 
sown in his polygamy, his politic deference to bad men, his 
lust and murder, his failure to punish crime, his neglect of 
spiritual duties. 

186. The temple-building policy. — This seems to have been 
the controlling idea of the later ^ears of David's reign, a. 
Liturgical preparation for the service of the new temple : the 
cultivation of a magnificent worship at the tent in Jerusalem, 
and the highplace in Gibeon ; musical training ; the organi- 
zation of priests, Levites, assistants, singers, gatekeepers, etc. 
(1 Chron. xv-xxix); the writing of sacred songs (e. g. Pss. 
cxxxii and xxx). b. The making of written plans (1 Chron. 
xxviii. 11-19). c. The providing of materials, by personal 
gifts and by solicitation from the principal Israelites (2 Sam. 



256 CHRONOLOG Y A ND HISTOR Y. 

viii. 10-12, 1 Cliron. xxix, etc.). d. The providing of a build- 
ing, force, including foreign architects and levies of forced 
labor upon the Canaanitic peoples that remained in the land 
(in concordance see "Hiram," "Huram," mas, translated 
"tribute"), e. The accession of Solomon, to the: exclusion of 
his older brothers. 

Inevitably, this policy must have provoked strong opposi- 
tion. Ahithophel, identifying himself v^ath Absalom, doubt- 
less regarded himself as a true legitimist and conservative, 
opposing unwarranted innovations. 

Apparently the six stories (Qu. 112c) were written in view 
of this situation, to foster the idea that the times when the 
judges ruled and every man did that which was right in his 
own eyes were not after all more satisfactory than the times 
now current. 

187. The thirty-ninth and fortieth years of David, — We 
must regard 1 Chron. xxi. 28-xxii, xxiii-xxix. 22a as a series 
of papers connected with a definite event. In xxiii. 1, xxix. 
22, etc., that event is said to be the making of Solomon 
king, when David was old, at a great public assembly of Israel. 
The included papers describe the ripening of the arrangements 
for that event, and date this (xxvi. 31) in the fortieth year of 
David. These maturing arrangements were affected by the 
breaking off of the census made by Joab (1 Chron. xxvii. 24, 
xxi, 2 Sam. xxiv). As this census was in progress for nine 
months and twenty days (2 Sam. xxiv. 8), it must have begun 
the previous year. We have therefore, the following cast of 
events : a. The census begun shortly before the middle of the 
39th year, and broken off early in the 40th year. b. The three 
days of pestilence (2 Sam. xxiv. 13, 1 Chron. xxi. 12). c. The 
sacrifice at Oman's threshing floor, wheat threshing season (1 
Chron. xxi. 20). d. The floor choseji as the temple site (1 
Chron. xxii. 1). e. Under the impetus of this, special activity 
throughout the year in preparation for the temple and the 
enthroning of Solomon. /. Of course, this stimulated the 
secret activity of the Absalom faction, and they were helped 
by the calamity of the pestilence. Doubtless the census was 



FORTY-FIRST YEAR OF DAVID. 257 

also unpopular in itself, as possibly indicating that new bur- 
dens were to be imposed. 

188. The forty first year of David. — a. At the opening of 
the year the assembly and the enthroning of Solomon (1 Chron. 
xxiii- xxix. 22a). h. Directly after, the outbreak of Absalom's 
rebellion (2 Sam. xv. 7), before harvest (xvii. ]9, 28). c. The 
course and the overthrow of the rebellion, and the bringing 
back of the king. d. Sheba's rebellion (2 Sam. xx. 1-22). e. 
The government (xx. 23-26) /. David's illness ; the attempt 
of Adonijah, the legitimist party being reinforced by Joab 
and Abiathar ; Solomon made king the second time (1 Ki. i, 
1 Chron. xxix. 22b-30). 

189. Psalms of the forty -first year. — a. How do Pss. iii, iv, 
vii, fit the time of Absalom's rebellion ? h. How do Pss. xli, 
Iv, xxxviii-xl fit the time of the affair of Adonijah ? 

190. Joah. — His character, his career, and his influence over 
David. 

191. Ahithophel. — His character, career and motives. 

192. Absalom. — His character and personal and public 
history. 

198. Abiathar. — His position in the history. 
194. David. — His life and times. 



PART III. 

PERIOD OF FIXED SANCTUARY— BUILDING TO 
BURNING OF TEMPLE. 



LECTURE XXIY. 

The Reign or Solomon. 

;195. Divisions of Part III. — The subordinate periods may 
be named after the successive great empires with which Israel 
came in contact : the pre- Assyrian period, the early Assyrian, 



358 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

the middle Assyrian, the late Assyrian, the Babylonian, and 
later the Persian. 

196. The pre- Assyrian period. - It includes the reign of 
Solomon, and the dynasties of Jeroboam and Baasha of the 
northern kingdom, with the corresponding history of the 
southern kingdom. In this and the three following lectures 
we will consider, first, the dated events of Solomon's reign; 
second, other facts for his reign, and then the disruption that 
followed ; third, the history for the time of the first two north- 
ern dynasties. 

197. Dated events in Solomon's reign. — a. Fill out your 
column of the years of Solomon (1 Ki. xi. 42), and extend your 
column A. T. J. to the close of Solomon's reign, b. In the 
space to the right, enter, at the proper places, the following 
dated events : the first year of Solomon ; the death of David 
and accession of Solomon ; the founding and the completing 
of the temple (1 Ki. vi. 1, 37-38); beginning and completing 
of Solomon's house (1 Ki. vii. 1, ix. 10, 2Chron. viii. 1); dedi- 
cation of temple (1 Ki. viii. 2, 65, 2 Chron. v. 3, vii. 8-10); 
death of Shimei (ii. 39). 

198. Other events. — On your left hand page enter the fol- 
lowing events, with notes indicating the approximate dates : 
a. Death of Adonijah (1 Ki. ii. 12-25). b. Of Joab (28-34). 

c. Retirement of Abiathar and of Shimei (26-27, 35, 36-38). 

d. Solomon's dream (1 Ki. iii. 4-15, 2 Chron. i. 2-13), e. The 
two women (iii. 16-28, especially 28). /. Negotiations with 
Tyre and preparations for building (1 Ki. v, 2 Chron. ii). g. 
Solomon's second vision (1 Ki. ix. 1-9, 2 Chron. vii. 12-22). 
h. Marrying: Pharaoh's daughter, and other foreign wives (1 
Ki. iii. 1, vii. 8, ix. 16, 24, xi. 1-10, 2 Chron. viii. 11). i. Visit 
of the queen of Sheba (1 Ki. x. 1-13). 

199. Solomon^ s marriages and family. — a. Pharaoh's 
daughter (Qu. 198h). b. Other non-Israelite wives (1 Ki. xi. 
1-2). c. Especially Rehoboam's mother (1 Ki. xiv. 21, 31, xi. 
1, 5, 2 Chron. xii. 13). d. Many wives in all (xi. 3). e. His 
daughters (1 Ki. iv. 11, 15). /. His purpose in polygamy was 
doubtless to strengthen his kingdom by a display of magnifi- 
cence, and by ties of afl[inity ; what was the actual result ? 



QUESTIONS CONCERNING SOLOMON. 259 

200. Age of Solomon at his accession. — Fourteen years, 
says Josephus ; twelve years, says the Alexandrian copy of 
the Septuagint, and common Jewish tradition. " Little child " 
(1 Ki. iii. 7). "Hath made to me a house" (i Ki. ii. 24), 
coupled with the statements as to the age of Rehoboam (1 Ki. 
xi. 42, xiv. 21, 2 Chron. ix. 30, xii. 13) may indicate that 
Rehoboam was born not later than the first year of Solomon's 
reign. But see Qu. 221c. 

201. Solomon^ s reign. — Sketch it externally, guiding your 
sketch by the events referred to in the preceding numbers. 



LECTURE XXY. 

Questions Touching the Reign of Solomon. 

202. Extent of his dominions. — a. Locate the frontiers on 
a map (1 Ki. iv. 21, 24 ; 2 Chron. ix. 26). b. Compare Gen. 
XV. 18, Josh. i. 4, etc.; also the actual extent of the conquests 
under Joshua. 

203. His commissary districts. — a. Twelve ofiicers and one 
officer in chief (1 Ki. iv, especially 5a, 19b). h. Specifications 
as to their duties (iv. 7, 22-23, 27-28). c. Locate their twelve 
districts on the map (iv. 7-19). 

204. Three kinds of subjects. — a. Israelites, from Dan to 
Beer-sheba (1 Ki. iv. 25, Qu. 203, 2 Sam. xvii. 11, xxiv. 2, 7, 
15). b. Subject nations, paying tribute (1 Chron. xiii. 5, 1 Ki. 
iv. 21, 24, 2 Chron. ix. 26, cf. 2 Sam. viii. 2, 6 and 1 Ki. ii. 39, 
xi. 14-25). c. Canaanitic inhabitants performing mas (1 Ki. 
ix. 15, 20-22, 2 Chron. viii. 7-10, ii. 2, 17, 18, 1 Ki. v. 13-18). 

205. The mas. — It was arranged for by David (2 Chron. ii. 
17, 1 Chron. xxii. 2, 15). It had existed earlier (Josh. xvi. 
10, xvii. 13, Jud. i. 28, 30, 33, 35. cf . Deut. xx. 11 and Josh, 
ix. 21, 27, etc.). It was like the service of Israel in Egypt 
(Ex. i. 11 cf. Gen. xlix. 15). From the latter part of David's 
reign, it was a govermental department (2 Sam. xx. 24 [not 
viii. 16-18], 1 Ki. iv. 6, xii. 18, 2 Chron. x. 18). 



260 CHRONOLOLGY AND HISTORY. 

- 206- Prosperity, —a. Positive statements (1 Ki. iv. 20, 25. 
X. 27, 2 Chron. ix. 27, i. 15). b. Limiting facts (1 Ki. xi. 9, 
2-8, 9-40, xii. 4, ix. 16). 

, 207. Commerce. — a. Traders in general (1 Ki. x. 15, 2 Chron 
ix. 14). b. Horse and chariot trade (1 Ki. x. 28,, 29, 2 Chron. 
i. 16-17, ix. 28). c. Trade with Phoenicia for building mater- 
ials and skilled labor (1 Ki. v. 6, 8-12, ix. 11-14, 2 Chron. ii,. 
7-16, viii. 2). d. Voyages (1 Ki. ix. 26-28, x. 11, 12, 22, 2 
Chron. viii. 17, 18, ix. 10, 11, 21). The probable course of 
Solomon's Tarshish ships ? e. Probable overland trade— 
Tadmor (1 Ki. ix. 18, 2 Chron. viii. 4). 

208. Solomon^ s revenues. — a. Very large (1 Ki. x. 14, 2 
Chron. ix. 13). b. Four kinds of tribute : first, Qu. 204b ; 
second, compliments to his wisdom (1 Ki. x. 23-25, 2 Chron. 
ix. 22-24, e. g. 1 Ki. x. 1-10, 13, 2 Chron. ix. 1-12) ; third 
and fourth, " the kings of the mixed peoples, and the pashas 
of the land" (1 Ki. x. 15, 2 Chron. ix. 14b). c. The commis- 
sary levies (iv. 7-28). d. The mas (Qu. 205). e. Commerce 
(Qu. 207). 

209. Solomon^ s building operations. — The temple, the king's 
house, the house of Pharaoh's daughter, the house of the for- 
est of Lebanon, Tadmor in the desert, Millo, Gezer, other 
cities, fortifications, etc. (concordance). 

210. The arts of civilization. — a. In regard to the condition 
of architecture, decorative art, music, learning, literature, etc., 
what is to be inferred from the accounts of the edifices and 
cities built by Solomon ? b. Prom the fine woodwork and 
musical instruments (1 Ki. x. 12, 2 Chron. ix. 11), the targets 

and shields (1 Ki. x. 16-17, 2 Chron. ix. 15-16), the ivory 
throne (1 Ki. x. 18-20, 2 Chron. ix. 17-19), the gold drinking 
vessels (1 Ki. x. 21, 2 Chron. ix. 20) and other like details ? 
c. What from the elegance of his household and court, as 
seen by the queen of Sheba ? d. What from the services at 
the dedication of the temple? e. What from the accounts 
given of Solomon's wisdom (Qq. 211)? 

211. Solomon'' s wisdom. — a. Great and widely appreciated 
(1 Ki. X. 23-24, xi. 41, v. 7, 12, 2 Chron. ix 22-23, Neh. xiii. 



CIVIL SERVICE OF SOLOMON. 261 

26). b. Included literary and scientific culture and learning 
(1 Ki. iv. 29-34). c. And mental acuteness, evinced in deal- 
ing with hard questions (1 Ki. x. 1, 3, 4. 6, 7, 8, 2 Chron. ix. 
1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7). d. And practical shrewdness in affairs (1 Ki. 
iii. 9, n, 12, 28, ii. 6, 9, 2 Chron. i. 10-12.) e. And much of 
moral and spiritual purpose (ibid). /. But so far falling short 
of the highest wisdom, that Solomon was practically a fail- 
ure. (1 Ki. xi. 3-9, Neh. xiii. 26, etc). 

212. Organization of the pnblic service. — a. ''Servant" is 
used for citizens of all grades, from cabinet minister to private 
person (e. g. 1 Ki. x. 5, 8, v. 9 [23]). b. "Head" is used 
similarly (1 Ki. viii. 1, 2 Chron. v. 2, i. 2). c. The terms nasi 
(XJrince), shoter (officer), and judge and elder (2 Chron. i, 2, 
V. 2, 1 Chron. xxiii. 4, xxvi. 29, xxvi. 1, 2 Chron. v. 2^ 4, 1 Ki. 
viii. 1, 3). d. Two classes of "superintendents," n^tsibhim, 
nitsabhim^ m^ nats^ him : first, commissary superintendents 
(1 Ki. iv. 5, 7, 19, 27 [v. 7]) ; second, superintendents of 
forced labor (1 Ki. v. 16 [30], ix. 23, 2 Chron. viii. 10, ii. 2, 18 
[1, 17]). e. Captains, sarini, of the ordinary varieties, rhe 
captain of the host. cai)tains of thousands, hundreds, etc , 
captains of warriors, of chariots, of the bodies of men engaged 
in the temple service, etc. /. Two special kinds of sarim : 
first, the superintendents of forced labor (1 Ki. v. 16 [30], ix. 
23, 2 Chron. viii. 10) ; second, heads of departments (1 Ki. iv. 
2-6), including departments of record, of war, of worship, the 
commissary department, that of the household, and that of 
forced labor. 



LECTURE XXVI. 

Questioints Touching Solomon's Reign, Continued. 

213. Numerical discrepancies.— a. 1,400 chariots and 
12, 000 horsemen (1 Ki. x. 26, 2 Chron. i. 14) ; compare "40,000 
uroth of horses for his chariots" (1 Ki. iv. 26 [v. 6]), and 
"4,000 uryoth of horses and chariots" (2 Chron. ix. 25), the 
12,000 horsemen being mentioned in all four places, b. 250 



262 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

superintending captains (2 Chron. viii. 10), and 550 (1 Ki. ix. 
23), and 3,300 (1 Ki. v. 16 [30]), 3,600 leaders (2 Chron. ii. 2, 
18 [1, 17]). c. 420 talents (1 Ki. ix. 28), and 450 (2 Chron. 
viii. 18). 

214. The national worship. — a. Where was the ark, before 
and after the dedication of the temple (2 Sam. vi. 17, 2 Chron. 
i. 4, etc., 1 Ki. viii. 1-9, 22, etc.)? b. Same question as to the 
tent that Moses made, and its altar and furniture (2 Chron. i. 
3, 5-(), 13, 1 Chron. xvi. 39, vi. 32, ix. 19, 21, 23, xxiii. 32 
2 Chron. v. 5, 1 Ki. iii. 4-5, ix. 2, etc., ii. 28, 29, 30, i. 39)? c. 
The high-place worship before and after the building of the 
temple (1 Ki. iii. 2, 3, 4, 1 Chron. xvi. 39, xxi. 29, 2 Chron. i. 
3, 13, 1 Ki. xi. 7-8) ? d. The three great feasts (1 Ki. ix. 25, 
viii. 2, 65, 66, 2 Chron. viii. 12-16, vii. 8-10) ? e. Is there pen- 
tateuchal authority for the temple music and song, its gate- 
keepers, the public prayer at the dedication, etc. ? 

215. Additional legal questions. — a. Solomon's horses and 
Deut. xvii. 16? h. The cities of refuge and the cases of Ado- 
nijah and Joab in 1 Ki. ii, cf. Ex. xxi. 14 ? 

216. Prophets in the time of Solomon. — Nathan, Solomon, 
Asaph, Heman, Jeduthun, Ethan, Shemaiah, Ahijah, Jedo, 
wrongly spelled Iddo (concordance). 

217. Scriptures. — How are the following, in their produc 
tion and contents, related to the times of Solomon : the hex- 
ateuch ; Judges, Ruth and Samuel (1 Chron. xxix. 29) ; Prov- 
erbs ; Job ; Canticles ; Ecclesiastes ; certain of the Psalms ? 

218. Messianic ideas. — a. The temple for mankind, and not 
for Israel only (1 Ki. viii. 41-43). b. The eternal throne of 
David (1 Ki. ii. 45, 33, viii. 25). c. The temple building is 
constantly connected with the great promise to David (1 Ki. 
V. 3-5 [16-18], viii. 15-21, 24-26, etc., cf. 2 Sam. vii). 

219. Elements of disintegration. — a. Religious defection 
(1 Ki. xi. 1-13). b. Hadad (14-22). c. Rezon (23-25). d. Je- 
roboam (26-40). 

220. The disruption. — a. Sketch it (1 Ki. xii. 1-24, 2 Chron. 
X. 1-xi. 4). b. Additional particulars from the addition to 
the Septuagint at 1 Ki. xii. 24. 



DYNASTIES OF JEROBOAM AND B A ASH A. 263 

221. Certain time elements in the disruption. — a. The addi- 
tion to 1 Ki. xii says that Jeroboam married in Egypt after 
the death of Solomon, and remained there till after the birth 
of his son ; whether one year or many years it does not say. 
b. The breaking up of such an empire may have taken place 
suddenly, or may have occupied considerable time. c. If E,e- 
hoboam was 41 years old at his accession (2 Cliron. xii. 13, 1 
Ki. xiv. 21), then his extreme youthfulness (1 Ki. xii. 6-14, 
2 Chron. xiii. 7) was the youthfulness of inexperience, and 
not of years. The discrepancy cannot be remedied by amend- 
ing the text, and making the numeral less than 41, for that 
will render several of the numerals for the succeeding kings 
absurd. The addition to the Septuagint says that Rehoboam 
was 16 at his accession. The hypothesis that he was 16 at the 
death of Solomon, and 41 when the separation became an ac- 
complished fact, is worthy of careful consideration. But on 
the whole the evidence is against this hypothesis. 



LECTURE XXYII. 

Dyt^asties of Jeeoboam and Baasha. 

222. A new block of the chronology. — Leaving one full page 
blank, enter at the head of your middle column the letters A. 
Di. (Anno Discidii, the year of the Disruption), and fill the 
column for four pages. Review Qus. 17, 18, 19. 

223. Regnal years. — a. Write in the column to the left the 
years of Jeroboam (1 Ki. xiv. 20). b. In the column to the 
right the years of Rehoboam (xiv. 21). c. The years of Abi- 
jam, making his first year correspond to the eighteenth year 
of Jeroboam (xv. 1-2). d. The years of Asa, making his first 
year begin at the close of the twentieth year of Jeroboam (xv. 
10, 9). e. In the column to the left the years of N'adab, mak- 
ing his first correspond to the second of Asa (xv. 25). /. 
The years of Baasha, his first being the third of Asa (xv. 33). 
g. The years of Elah, his first being the twenty- sixth of Asa 
(xvi. 8, 10). 



264 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

224. Other dated events. — a. Apostacy of Rehoboam (2 
Chron. xi. 17, xii. 1). h. Invasion by Shishak (1 Ki. xiv. 25, 
2 Chron. xii. 2). c. Ten years of quiet (2 Chron. xiv. 1 [xiii. 
23]). d. Great religious gathering (xv. 10). e. Final defeat 
of Zerah (xiv. 15, xv. 10-11). /. The invasion by Zerah (xiv. 
9). g. War with Baasha (xv. 19, xvi. 1, assuming that these 
count from the accession of Rehoboam. 

225. Variant dates.— a. Perhaps the two last mentioned. 
h. The Sept. (Yat. copy) dates the accession of Asa the 
twenty fourth year of Jeroboam. 

226. Sketch the history for this period. — a. Events com- 
mon to the two kingdoms, b. Separate events in the north- 
ern kingdom, c. In the southern. 

227. Jeroboam' s religion. — a. It was worship of Yahweh, 
whether of other gods or not. h. The accounts represent it as 
wrong : first, because it was idolatrous ; second, because its 
priesthood was non levitical (2 Chron. xiii. 9, 10, 1 Ki. xii. 
31) ; third, because its priesthood was unworthy (1 Ki. xiii. 
33) ; fourth, because its sacred year and its details of worship 
differed from those which Yahweh had prescribed (1 Ki. xii. 
32, 33, 2 Chron. xiii. 9-11) ; fifth, because its sanctuaries 
were high places, and not the one national sanctuary (1 Ki. xii. 
26-27, 31, etc.). c. The accounts represent that the proper 
course for the northern Israelites was to worship at Jerusalem 
(1 Ki. xii. 27, xiii. 1-4, xv. 17, 2 Chron. xi. 13-17, etc.), 
though, in the circumstances, Yahweh might accept sacrifices 
offered elsewhere. 

228. Religion in the southern kingdom. —The accounts rep- 
resent that Judah had the national sanctuary, the law, and 
the elaborate public service, and ought to have been faithful, 
but was far from it (2 Chron. xiii. 4-12, etc.). 

229. Prophets.— a. Shemaiah, Ahijah, Jedo (2 Chron. ix. 
29, 1 Ki. xiii, Jos. Ant. YIII. ix), Oded, Azariah, Hanani, 
Jehn. Make a sketch of each. 6. Had these any hand in 
writing our scriptures ? 



LECTURE XXVIIL 
The Early Assyrian Period. 

230. Its duration. — The time when Shalmaneser II of 
Assyria and his next successors came into contact with 
Israel. It covers the dynasties of Omri and of Jehu. See 
histories of Assyria, and articles on "the Black Obelisk." 
For accounts of inscriptions, etc., see my notes in Butler's 
Bible Work Yll, p. 44 sq., and Old and Neiu Testament 
Student, Sept. 1885, p. 25 sq., Jan. 1888, p. 154 sq. 

231. The principal sources for oriental chronology. — The 
list is taken with slight changes from Butler's Bible Work 
YII, p. 43. a. The biblical numerals, b. The history con- 
tained in the bible, often throwing light on the numerals. 
c. The Assyrian Eponym Canon, a list of officers, one officer 
for every year, containing, in the imperfect copies now known, 
about 265 names, in a series backward from B. C. 647. The 
existing copies date, perhaps, from a time before the down- 
fall of Assyria. There are some slight discrepancies, but the 
canon is in a high degree trustworthy. Some copies have 
historical notes appended, and these are not always confirmed 
by the other Assyrian records. Translations may be found in 
Smith's Assyrian Canon, in Records of the Past, new series I, 
in Schrader II, in the Assyrische Lesestiocke of Professor 
Friedrich Delitzsch, and in other works, d. Assyrian re- 
cords, variously throwing light on the canon. Among these 
are annals of Shalmaneser II, Sargon, Sennacherib, Esar-had- 
don, Assur-bani-pal, and other kings, giving dated accounts of 
their exploits, year by year ; and other accounts less well da- 
ted, of Tiglath-pileser III and others, e. Ancient Babylonian 
documents, especially what may be called, in a general way, 
the Babylonian Chronicles, written in the Persian period or 
earlier, including lists of kings, with the years they reigned, 
other lists with dated records of exploits in the reign of each 
king, and the so-called ' ' synchronous history ' ' of Babylonia 
and Assyria. These documents carry the chronology back to 



266 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

a very early date, but they are so marred at various places as 
to break up the continuity of it. Translations may be found 
in the new series of the Records of the Fast, vols. I, lY, Y. /. 
The Canon of Ptolemy, a list of Grecian, Persian and Baby- 
lonian kings, v'ith the years of their reigns, back to 747 B. C. 
Made after Christ by an Alexandrian astronomer, and under- 
valued in the ITssher chronology, but now certainly known to 
be correct. The part of it that belongs to the Assyrian and 
Babylonian periods may be found in Smith's Canon and in 
Becords of the Past, new series, I. g. Calculated eclipses, 
especially an eclipse of the sun B. C. 763, the tenth year of 
Assur-daan, king of Assyria, h. Certain "long numbers." 
See notes in Butler on A. Di. 241, 265, 361, 390, 396. 

232. Literature. — The various popular books, however excellent, are of little 
use for our purposes. We need to go nearer the original sources. The follow- 
ing are accessible, and constitute a fairly good working library : 

Records of the Past, old series, twelve small volumes, Samuel Bagster & 
Sons, London. Records of the Past, new series, six small volumes, same 
publishers. George Smith Assyrian Canon. George Smith Assyrian Dis- 
coveries. Schrader Cujieifonn Inscriptions and the Old Testament. A set 
of the Transactions and a set of the Proceedings of The Society of Biblical 
ArchcEology. A large amount of additional material is to be found in volumes 
and in journals of learned societies and in other periodicals. See also McCurdy 
History, Prophecy and the Monuments, I, pp. xxiii, xxiv, and the lists in the 
articles in encyclopaedias. Also Lect. XXXVI. 



LECTURE XXIX. 

The Dynasty of Omri. 

233. Regnal years. — a. Enter the years of Omri, making his 
twelfth year correspond to the 38th of Asa (1 Ki. xvi. 23, 29). 
h. The years of Ahab, making his first correspond to the 38th 
of Asa (ibid), c. The years of Jehoshaphat, making his first 
begin at the close of the fourth of Ahab (xxii 41-42). d. Of 
Ahaziah of Israel, making his first year the same with the 17th 
of Jehoshaphat (xxii. 51). e. Of Jehoram of Israel, makiug 
his first year the same with the 18th of Jehoshaphat (2 Ki. 
iii. 1). /. Of Jehoram of Judah, his first year being the same 



JEHOSHAPHAT, DYNASTY OF OMRI. 267 

with the fifth of Jehoram of Israel (2 Ki. viii. 16). g. Enter 
Ahaziah of Judah, his year being the twelfth of Jehoram of 
Israel (2 Ki. viii. 25). beginning at the close of the eleventh of 
Jehoram (ix. 29, cf. 2 Chron. xxi. 19, Hebrew.) 

234. Coreigns and variants. — a. Ahaziah of Israel was co- 
regnant with Ahab, reigning alone but a few weeks or a few 
months ; and Jehoram of Jndah was four years coregnant 
with Jehoshaphat. h. According to 2 Ki. i, 17, Jehoram of 
Judah had a previous coregnancy with Jehoshaphat, corres- 
ponding in time with Ahaziah' s reign, and ceasing, apparently, 
with the death of Ahab, and the beginning of Jehoshaphat' s 
reformation (2 Chron. xix). Enter these two years, provi- 
sionally, in colored ink, and notice how they fit the facts in 
the case. c. In your columns, the first of Omri's 12 years is 
the 27th of Asa. But his reign is said to have begun the 31st 
of Asa (1 Ki. xvi. 23). Josephus says, the 30th of Asa. It is 
natural to think that this indicates the first year of his acces- 
sion after the death of Tibni (1 Ki, xvi. 21-22). Therefore, in 
colored ink, note, provisionally, four years for Tibni as Omri's 
rival, d. Some copies of the Septuagint (1 Ki. xvi. 28) make 
Jehoshaphat begin the 14th of Omri, and Ahab the second of 
Jehoshaphat. Enter this in colored ink, as a coreign of Asa 
and Jehoshaphat. 

235. Additional dated events. — a. Birth of Jehoshaphat 
(1 Ki. xxii. 41-42). h. Of Jehoram of Judah (2 \sA. viii. 16-17.) 
c. Of Ahaziah of Judah (2 Ki. viii. 25-26, ix. 29). d. Mar- 
riage of Jehoram and Athaliah (2 Chron. xviii. 1 cf. 1 Ki. 
xxii, 2 Chron. xxii. 1, 2, xxi. 6, 2 Ki. viii. 18, 25-26, etc.) e. 
Of Ahab and Jezebel (1 Ki. xvi. 31). /. The forming of the 
alliance with Tyre. g. The conquest of Moab. The Moabite 
stone says that Omri and his dynasty oppressed Moab 40 
years (2 Ki. i. 1). h. Founding of Samaria (1 Ki. xvi. 23-24). 
i. Asa's disease (1 Ki. xv. 23, 2 Chron. xvi. 12). j. Jehosha- 
phat' s teaching mission (2 Chron. xvii. 7-9). k. Second de- 
feat of Benhadad (1 Ki. xx. 22-43, xxii. 1-2), and 3 years of 
peace. I. First defeat of Benhadad (1 Ki. xx. 1-22). m. Re- 
volt of Mesha (2 Ki. i. 1). n. Jehoshaphat' s judging mission 



268 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY 



(2 Chron. xix). o. Gfreat invasion (2 Chron. xx and perhaps 
Ps. Ixxxiii). p. Defeat of Mesha (2 Ki. iii). q. Revolts and 
disturbances (2 Ki. viii. 20-22, vi, vii, 2 Chron. xxi. 8-xxii. 1). 
Moab independent (Moabite stone). 



LECTURE XXX. 
Dynasty of Omri, Continued. 

236. Assyrian synchronisms. — Shalmaneser says that in his 
sixth year lie defeated Benhadad ana Ahab, and in his 18th 
3^ear he defeated Hazael, and received tribute from Jehu. In 
your second left hand column set down the 18th year of Shal- 
maneser opposite the 12th year of Jehoram of Israel (the ac- 
cession year of Jehu), and till the column backward with the 
years of Shalmaneser, the 25 years of his predecessor, Assur- 
nazir-pal (the king of our slab), the six years of Tiglath-uras 
II, the 22 years of Rimman-nirari II. Add expeditions to 
Palestine in the 1st, 6th, 10th, 11th, and 14Th years of Shal- 
maneser. Read his inscriptions in Records of the Past, old 
series, vols. Ill and V, and the extracts in Smith's JLss^/r. Canon 
or in Schrader. 

237. The mode of resistance to Assyria. — a. Hegemony 
under Benhadad. h. Thirty-two kings (1 Ki. xx. 1, 24) ; 
kings of the Hittites, etc. (2 Ki. vii. 6). c. Subordination 
versus subjection (1 Ki. xx. 2-9). d. Naaman, and the fact 
that Shalmaneser had to annihilate this confederacy several 
times, e. Note the dates given by Shalmaneser, and the an- 
swering dates of peace, war, or revolt, in the biblical history. 

238. Baal iri Israel. — a. Ahaziah, Athaliah, Jehoram, were 
all named for Yahweh. 6. The attempt to destroy the wor- 
ship of Yahweh in favor of that of Baal cannot have begun 
before the marriage of Athaliah to the prince of Judah ; and 
it ended before the Syrian wars. Enter the 3 years of 1 Ki. 
xviii. 1, James v. 17. c. There is no reason to think that the 
marriage of Jehoram and Athaliah was at the time unpleasing 



THE TIMES OF JEHU. 269 

to the adherents of Yahweh in the two kingdoms ; and no 
strong reason against the theory that Ps. xlv was written on 
that occasion, d. There arose a strong Baalite party in the 
southern kingdom, with Jehoram and Athaliah at its head, 
e. Will this and the Assyrian invasions account for the tem- 
porary coreign of Qu. 234b, supposing that coreign to be a 
fact ? 

239. The prophets.— a. Jehu, Jahaziel, Eliezer, Micaiah, 
Elijah, Elisha, the sons of the prophets, prophets by the hun- 
dred, h. Elisha was active, and i^romised the Shunamite's 
son, before the persecutions began (2 Ki. viii. 1-3 cf. iv. 13, 
18). Enter this promise and the seven years of faaiine, among 
the dated events. c. The career of Elisha as a miracle 
worker, d. The careers of Elijah and Elisha as political 
leaders, e. The slaughter at Carmel (1 Ki. xviii), and the 
tearing of the boys, and the fire from heaven (2 Ki. i, ii. 24) 
are to be judged by the ethics of war; 

240. The external history. — Sketch it. 



LECTURE XXXI. 

The Dynasty of Jehu. 

241. To classes beginning tuith this Lecture. 

Read Lectures I, II and III of this syllabus, attending es- 
pecially to Qus. 15a, 17, 18, 19, and the description of the 
method in Qu. 21. 

Have a book, ruled as required in Qa. 21. If you use a 
book of 240 pages, begin the work for Lecture XXXI about 
page 145, so as to leave room for the earlier parts of the his- 
tory in their order. 

A¥rite "A. Di."'at the head of your middle narrow column 
(Qu. 222). Write in that column the numbers 76, 77, etc., 
twenty-five lines on a page, representing the years from the 
disruption, till you have reached the limit of 225 years, as re- 
quired in Qu. 242a. 



270 CHRONLOGOY AND HISTORY. 



In the next column to the left are to be written the num- 
bers that indicate the years of the kings of northern Israel. 
In that column write "Jehu" opposite. the number 90 of 
the column A. Di., and fill the column with the years of 
Jehn, as directed in Qn. 243a, making his lirst year corre 
spond with the year 91 A. Di. 

The column next to the left is for the years of the kings of 
Assyria. At the head of it write " Shalmaneser II." Mak- 
ing his fourth year correspond with the year 76 A. Di., fill the 
column as required in Qu. 242b. In regard to the Assyrian 
chronology see Lecture XXVIII and Qn. 282. 

The column to the right of the column A. Di. is for the 
years of the kings of Judah. Enter the years of Athaliah 
according to Qu. 243b and its biblical reference, and then the 
other kings of Judah and Israel, in their places, as directed in 
Qu. 243 c to Z. 

In this work, follow Avhere your numbers lead, as a sur- 
veyor in plotting a tract would follow the numbers in his field- 
notes. Ordinarily, the first year of a king follows the last 
year of his predecessor, but the numbers may indicate that 
the two overlap, or that there was an interval between them. 

Write the biblical references of Qu. 243 and the Israelitish 
events of Qu. 245 in their proper chronological places in the 
broad column to the right. Do the same with the Assyrian 
and other foreign events in the broad column to the left. 
Use the left hand page for notes. In cases in which the broad 
columns do not afford sufficient space for the list of events, 
write these on the left hand page, and make references to 
them in the column of events. 

This is the region of the chronology where the possibilities 
of variation and the actual differences of opinion are greatest. 
We shall best get at the merits of the differences of opinion if 
we begin by formulating the statements afforded by the bib- 
lical numbers, taken at their face value, and consider the dif- 
ferent views later. In cases where variant interpretations of 
the numbers are possible, follow^, for the sake of our keeping 
together in our work, the directions given in the syllabus, re- 



JO ASH, JEHOAHAZ, HAZAEL. 271 

serving, however, your riglit to prefer other interpretations if 
they seem to you the more tenable. 

242. Chronological standard. — a. Extend your column A. 
Di. to 225 years, b. In the Assyrian column complete the 35 
years of Shalmaneser II, and enter the 13 years of Samas-rim- 
man, and the 29 of Rimman-nirari III (see Smith's Assyr. 
Canon). 

243. Regnal events.— a. Enter the years of Jehu, his first 
year being 91 A. Di. (2 Ki. x. 36). h. Of Athaliah, her first 
being the first of Jehu (xi. 3). c. Of Jehoash of Judah, his 
first being the 7th of Jehu (xii. 1). d. Of Jehoahaz, his first 
being the 23rd of Jehoash (xiii. 1). e. Thecoreign of Jehoash 
of Israel, 37th year of Jehoash of Judah (xiii. 10), /. The 
years of Jehoash, following the 17 of Jehoahaz. g. Of Am- 
aziah, his first being the second of Jehoash (xiv. 1-2). h. Of 
Jeroboam II, his first being the 15th of Amaziah (xiv. 23). i. 
Of Uzziah, his first being the 27th of Jeroboam (xv. 1-2). j. 
The six months of Zechariah, in the 38th year of Uzziah (xv. 
8). k. The 30 days of Shallum, in the 39th year of Uzziah 
(xv. 13). I. The years of Menahem, his first beginning at the 
close of the 39th year of Uzziah (xv. 17). 

244. Variants. — The apparent contradictions with the As- 
syrian chronology will be considered later. The Ussher chron- 
ology gets rid of the interregnum between Amaziah and Uz- 
ziah by pushing back the accession of Jeroboam II eleven 
years, making him for that time coregnant with his father. 

245. Other dated events. — a. Overthrow of the dynasty of 
Omri ; sketch it in detail, h. Shalmaneser, 21st year, con- 
quers Hazael again, c. Samas-rimman, first year, subdues a 
great revolt, d. Second and third years, Assyrians at the 
Mediterranean, e. Temple repairs pushed (2 Ki. xii. 6). /. 
About the 17th of Jehoahaz, Hazael reduces Israel low, takes 
Gath, attacks Jerusalem (2 Ki. xiii. 1-9, xii. 17-18, 2 Chron. 
xxiv. 23-25). g. Rimman-nirari's expedition to Manzuat, near 
the plain of Jezreel {Assyr. Canon), his 15th year. This was 
probably the expedition when he took tribute from all the re- 
gion, and crushed Mariha of Damascus {Canon, p. 115, Mc- 



273 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

Curdy I, p. 298). h. Jehoash beats Benhadad (2 Ki. xiii, 24- 
25). i. Amaziah beats Edom (2 Ki. xiv. 7. 2Chroii. xxv. 5- 
16). j. Jehoash. captures Jerusalem (2 Ki. xiv. 8-14, 2 Chron. 
xxv. 17-24). k. The prosperity under Jeroboam and Uzziah 
(2 Ki. xiv. 21-xv. 7, 2 Chron. xxvi). /. Birth of Amaziah (2 
Ki. xiv. 2). m. Birth of Uzziah (xv. 1-2). 

246. External history.— a. Two generations of subjection, 
humiliation, and misfortunes to the northern kingdom (see 
references above, and 2 Ki. x. 32, xiii. 20, and Moabite stone), 
and in a less degree, to the southern, h. Large prosperity in 
the times of Jeroboam and Uzziah. c. Sketch the events. 

247. Nature of the prosperous situation. — a. Not one of 
hostility between the two kingdoms, h. Not procured by 
tribute to Assyria, c. Made possible by a temporary failure 
of the power of Assyria, after Assyria had broken Damascus. 
d. The extensive dominion of Jeroboam was little more than 
a headship over confederated peoples, e. To this Uzziah pre- 
sumably succeeded after the death of Jeroboam. 

248. Prophets. — Zechariah son of Jehoiada (2 Chron. xxiv. 
20). Joel (Qu. 245 f). Obadiah (Qu. 245 i). 



LECTURE XXXII. 
The Middle AssYRiA]sr Period. 

249. Its duration. — It includes the time when Tiglath- 
pileser III and his next predecessors and his successor, 
Shalmaneser IV, were in relations with Palestine. 

250. Regnal years.— a. Extend your column of years 
A. Di. to 400. h. Enter the years of Pekahiah, his first being 
the 50th of Uzziah (2 Ki. xv. 23). c. The 3^ears of Pekah, his 
first being the 52nd of Uzziah (xv. 27). d. The years of Jo- 
tham, his first being the second of Pekah (xv. 32-33). e. The 
years of Ahaz, his first beginning at the close of the 17th of 
Pekah (xvi. 1-2). /. Of Hoshea, his first year beginning at 
the close of the 12th of Ahaz (xvii. 1). g. Of Hezekiah, his 



CANON OF PTOLEMY, YEARS B. C. 273 

first beginning at the close of the 3rd of Hoshea (xviii. 1-2, 9, 
10). h Of Manasseh (xxi. 1). i. Of Amon (xxi. 19), his 
first year following the last of Manasseh. j. Of Josiah (xxii. 
1), his first year being the second of Amon. k. Of Jehoiakim 
(xxiii. 36). 

251. The Canon of Ptolemy. — a. Look it up in books of 
reference, those mentioned in Qu. 231 or others, b. Rule an 
additional column to the left, and head it C. of Pt. c. Enter 
the first year of Nebuchadnezzar, to correspond with the 4th 
of Jehoiakim (Jer. xxv. 1, Jos. Ant. X. vi, 1). d. Backward 
from this enter Nabopolassar 21 years, Isiniladanus 22, Saos- 
duchinus 20, Esar-haddon 13, interregnum 8, Mesesmordakus 
4, Iregibelus 1, Apronadisus 6, Belibus 3, interregnum 2, Sar- 
gon 5, Merodach-baladan 12, Ilulaeus 5, Porus 5, Nabius 2, 
Nabonassar 14. 

252. Assyrian synchronisms. — In your Assyrian column 
enter the 13 years of Esar haddon parallel to those in the can- 
on of Ptolemy, and backward from this Sennacherib 24 years, 
Sargon 17, Shalmaneser TV 5, Tiglath-pileser III 18, Assurni- 
rari II 10, Assur-daan III 18, Shalmaneser III 10. 

From A. Di. 276 you no longer need your column for Is- 
rael, and can use it for one of these other lists. 

253. — Years of the Christian era. — The first year of Nebu- 
chadnezzar was 604 B. C. Enter this in your second right 
hand column, marking that column B. C, and fill the column 
back through the reign of Assur-daan. 

254. An eclipse. — The Assyrian records mention an eclij)se 
of the sun the tenth year of Assur-daan. Calculations show 
that it occurred June 15, 763 B. C. 

255. A verified chronology — ^The lists are thus positively 
verified, back to the accession of Assur-daan, 772 B. C. They 
are further verified by many synchronisms of dated events, 
back to the times of Manasseh. Over the events back of 700 
B. C. there is much dispute. If the Assyrian eponym list is 
continuous, it assigns half a century less to these events than 
is apparently assigned to them in the bible. Many hold that 
it is certainly continuous, and that the biblical numerals are 



274 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

to be rejected by the wholesale. But the continuity of the 
Assyrian canon for the period directly before Assur-daan is 
not vouched for by astronomical or historical facts, as in the 
case of the later dates ; though it is assumed in certain rec- 
ords of the times of the later Assyrian kings. There are prob- 
ably but three alternatives that need to be considered. Either 
the Assyrian state writers deliberately omitted a period of 51 
years, perhaps because the events were discreditable to Assy- 
ria ; or, secondly, the biblical numerals overlap one another ; 
or, third, the biblical accounts are untrustworthy. The third 
of these alternatives is actually held by many who would ob- 
ject to having it squarely attributed to them. For creditable 
attempts to work out the second, see the article ''Chronology" 
in the new Bible Dictionary of Dr. Davis, and the article by 
the Rev. L. F. Badger in the Old Testament Student for June, 
1886. See Qu. 282. 



LECTURE XXXIII. 
The Times of Uzziah. 



256. Prophecies of Jerohoayn's time. — a. Jonah, presenting 
a historical situation in which Nineveh, the capital city of As- 
syria, barely escapes utter overthrow, h. Amos, representing 
Israel as wealthy and prosperous, but in unappreciated dan- 
ger from Assyria ; rebuking greed, public corruption, and the 
separate sanctuaries of northern Israel, as well as of Judah. 
In the matter of accumulated wealth (cf. 2 Ki. xv. 19-20), the 
situation requires all the time assigned by the bible for the 
reign of Jeroboam, c. Hosea i-ii. Like Amos, but with the 
Xjerfectly specific proposal that Yahweh's discarded wife, 
Israel, shall now return to him, by the union of the two king- 
doms under a Davidic king (see especially i. 11). 

257. Prophecies of the interregnum f — a. Hos. iii-v. 7, pro- 
posing that Israel shall remain "many days" "without king" 
and without national worship, and afterwards return "and seek 



TIMES OF UZZIAH. 275 



Yahweli their God and David their king." 6. Hos. v. 8-viii, 
several prophecies, urging this return to Yahweh, and de- 
nouncing the Israelites because, instead of this, they engage 
in intrigues with Egypt and Assyria, especially with a certain 
king Jareb. 

258. The military greatness of UzziaJi. — This cannot well 
be accounted for except on the theory that he was at the head 
of a confederacy (2 Chron. xxvi). 

259. Assyrian testimony. — The first Palestinian note since 
the time when Rimman-nirari was taking tribute from all 
this region (Qu. 245g and Schrader I. 206), is found in two 
much mutilated inscriptions which are ascribed to Tiglath- 
pileser III, though they do not contain his name, and present 
a situation different from any in his authenticated inscriptions 
(W. A. I. vol. Ill, p. 9, nos. 2, 3, Smith Assyr. Discov., pp. 
275-281, Assyr. Canon, pp. 117-120, Records of the Past, old 
series, Y. 45 sq., Schrader under 2 Ki. xv, etc.). These speak 
of certain districts of Ha math and the Lebanon country as 
having turned in revolt to Azariah king of Judah. Apparent- 
\j, also, they speak of a great victory gained over the forces 
of Azariah. They speak of tribute taken from eighteen peo- 
ples, including Tyre, Gebal, Menahem of Samaria, Damascus 
Syria. This indicates : a. That there had been a period of 
Assyrian weakness, during which her Palestinian dependen- 
cies had fallen away. h. That Uzziah was actually at the 
head of a confederacy, c. That there were certain great 
events, not mentioned in the bible, that strongly affected the 
biblical events. 

260. The next group of prophecies. — a. Isa. ii-iv, threaten- 
ing a great calamity, and, among other things, bewailing the 
childishness and incompetence of rulers (iii. 4, 12). h. Isa. v, 
speaking of this calamity as having fallen, so that the world 
of the dead was overfull, but also as still in progress, c. Zech. 
ix-xi, speaking of Hadrach, Damascus, Tyre, Sidon, the Phil- 
istines (ix. 1-7), of defeat suffered by Judah and Ephraim 
(10, 13, etc.), of captives in Assyria and Egypt (x. 10, 11), of 
a general covenant with the peoples, that was broken (xi. 10), 



276 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

of a brotherhood between Judah and Israel, also broken (14), 
of cruel shepherds (Menahem, for example ?) ill using the 
flock, so that they become "the most miserable of sheep" (7, 
15-17, 3-5), of the cutting off of shepherds, and notably, of 
"the three shepherds in one month" (xi. 8, x. 2-3). 

261. Putting these things together. — Assuming that the re- 
tirement of Uzziah by leprosy (2 Ki. xv. 5, 2 Chron. xxvi. 
16-23) was coincident in time with the revolution by which 
Shallum overthrew Zechariah and was overthrown by Mena- 
hem, this might well be the cutting off of the three shepherds 
in one month. It left the affairs of Israel and the whole 
brotherhood of peoples in the hands of inexperienced leaders. 
The result was a great overthrow, and the breaking up of the 
confederacy, the members of it one after another returning to 
the Assyrian allegiance. Menahem submitted, for one. I 
suppose the overthrow mentioned by the prophets to be that 
mentioned in the Assyrian inscription. 

262. The date. — The bible says that the king who took 
tribute from Menahem was Pul, that is Tiglath-pileser. But 
we cannot make the reigns of Menahem and Tiglath-pileser 
synchronous, except by rejecting several biblical statements. 
But Tiglath pileser was a founder of a dynasty, and was 
doubtless a general of the kings that preceded him, and in 
this capacity, he may well have had charge of this affair. In 
one of the inscriptions, an account follows of the events of 
the ninth year of the Assyrian king. Date the overthrow, 
provisionally, the eighth year of Assur-daan. That year the 
Assyrian canon assigns to him an expedition to Hadrach. 

263. Other dated events. — a. Enter with approximate dates 
the prophetic situations and the historical events mentioned 
in the preceding questions, h. The birth of Jotham (2 Ki. 
XV. 32-33). c. Of Ahaz (2 Chron. xxviii. 1 Heb. and Yss.). 

264. The history. — Sketch it, for the two kingdoms. 



LECTURE XXXTV. 

PeKAH AISTD HOSHEA. 

265. Dated events. — Enter the following : a. Birtli of Hez- 
ekiali (2 Ki. xviii. 1-2). h. Tiglath-pileser warring in Baby- 
lonia, accession year and first year ; at Arpad, 15 miles north- 
east of Aleppo, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th years ; regions farther 
north, 6th and 7th years ; hard fighting in Media, 8rh year ; 
Armenia, 9th and 10th years ; Palestine, 11th year ; Damas- 
cos, 12th and 13th years ; Babylonia, 14th year, becoming 
king of Babylon, c. Deportation from east of Jordan (1 
Chron. v. 6, 26 cf. Jos. Ant. IX. xiv. 1). d. Rezin and Pe- 
kah invade Judah (2 Ki. xv. 37, 2 Chron. xxviii. 1-15). e. 
They again attempt invasion (2 Ki. xvi. 5 sq., Isa. vii) ; Ahaz 
seeks help from Tiglath-pileser ; Philistine and Edomite in- 
vasion (2 Chron. xxviii. 17-18). / Tiglath-pileser in Pales- 
tine ; deportation from the north (2 Ki. xv. 29, Rawlinson III. 
10, no. 2 and II. 67, 53-63, Layard pi. 29, m, 72, cited in Mc- 
Curdy I. 420. Smith's Assyr. Discov. 284-286, Rec. of Fast 
V. 52, etc.) ; Pekah slain and succeeded by Hoshea (ibid, 
and 2 Ki. xv. 30). g. Hoshea claims independence, but is 
rednced by Shalmaneser (2 Ki. xvii. 3). h. Can you account 
for the variant number in 2 Ki. xv. 30 ? 

266. The religious sitiiatioYi in northern Israel. — Infer it 
from 2 Ki. xvii. 2, 2 Chron. xxx. 1, 5, 10-12, 18, 21, xxxi. 1- 
6 etc., and notices in Qu 268. 

267. Deportations from Israel and Judah. — Draw inferen- 
ces : a. From Qu. 265bcdf. h. From 2 Chron. xxix. 8-9, etc. 
c. From prophecies mentioned in Qu. 268. 

268. Prophecies. — a. Isa. vi. b. The prophecies summa- 
rized in Isa. vii. 1-9, 10-25, viii. 1-4, 6-8, 11-16. c. First 
prophecies in Micah. d. Zech. xii-xiv. e. Isa. xiii-xiv. 27. 
/. Hos. ix-xiii. 

269. The history. — Sketch it, up to Hoshea' s declaration 
of independence. 



LECTURE XXXy. 

The Late Assyrian Period. Sargois^. 

270. Sargon came to the throne B. C. 722, the tenth month 
of the vernal year (McCurdy §358). Like Tiglath-pileser, he 
was the rounder of a dynasty. In each case, the revolution, 
whether it was in itself violent or not, was attended by rebel- 
lions in all parts of the empire. Doubtless Sargon was a ma- 
ture man. Probably he was a general of Shalmaneser. For 
the Assyrian literature on Sargon and Sennacherib see Old 
Testament Student, Nov. 1885, pp. 120, 123, and McCurdy I. 
424. 

271. Assyrian dated events. — a. Sargon captured Samaria 
and reimposed the tribute, accession year. h. Merodach-bal- 
adan's first year. c. Sargon operates against Samaria, Dam- 
ascus, Hamath, Sebek of Egypt, etc., second year. d. Deporta- 
tions and importations, 3rd to 10th years, e. Expedition to 
Ashdod, 11th year (Assyr. records and Isa. xx). /. Subdues 
Merodach-baladan, 12th year. g. First year as king of Baby- 
lon, 13th year. 

272. Biblical dated events. — a. Hezekiah's first complete 
year (2 Chron. xxix. 3). h. Seige of Samaria begun (2 Ki. 
xvii. 1 sq.) c. Downfall of Samaria (ibid.), d. Hezekiah re- 
bels, and smites the Philistines (2 Ki. xviii. 7-8) e. Sennach- 
erib's first invasion (Isa. xxxvi. 1, 2Ki. xviii 13-16). /. Hez- 
ekiah's illness (xx. 6, Isa.).. g. Ambassadors of Merodach- 
baladan (xx. 12 sq., Isa.). 

273. Variants, —a. Our numbers as given exclude Shalma- 
neser from any part in the final seige of Samaria. But there 
is another Assyrian account which places the accession of Sar- 
gon two years later, and thus apparently extends the reign of 
Shalmaneser two years (Smith Assyr. Dis.^ chap, XV and 
Schrader), and so agrees with 2 Ki. xviii. 9. Against this is 
the Babylonian Chronicle, which says that Shalmaneser died 
in his fifth year. h. Josephus {Ant. IX. xiv. 1) dates the fall 
of Samaria the 7th of Hezekiah. c. If our dates are correct. 



SENNACHERIB. 279 



and if Sennacherib invaded Judah the fourteenth year of Hez- 
ekiah, he was then a subordinate of Sargon. 

274. Prophecies.— a. Isa. xiv. 28-32. h. Isa. ix. 8-x. 4. c. 
Isa. vii-xii as a whole, d. Isa. xx and other prophecies, e. 
Hosea xiv. /. Micah. 

275. HezehiaKs reform work.— a. As a w^iole (2 Ki. xviii. 
1-6, 2 Chron. xxix-xxxi). h. What it shows as to the cere- 
monial law (ibid.), c. The central sanctuary problem (ibid. 
and Isa. xxxvi. 7, 2 Ki. xviii. 22). 

276. The history.— Sketch it. 

277. Special number.— How is the 65 (Isa. vii. 8) to be un- 
derstood ? 



LECTURE XXXVI. 
Late Assyriat^ Period. The Sargoi^id^:. 

278. Assyrian dated events. — a. Sennacherib fighting in 
Babylonia, 1st and 3rd years ; places Bel ibni on the throne 
there, b. His great expedition to Palestine, 4th year ; battle 
of Eltekeh ; read this up carefully (Assyr. records, 2 Ki. 
xviii. 17 sq., Isa. xxxvi. 2 sq., 2 Chron. xxxii). c. Babylonia : 
the gods carried in flight across the Persian gulf ; he makes 
his son Assur-nadiii suma king of Babylon, 5th year (Taylor 
Cylinder III, lines 55-57, 63-64, and ]N"ebbi-yunus inscr.. lines 
8-11 [Rec. of Past, I. 40 and XL 50]). d. Operates in the M- 
pur mountains, 6th year. e. Operates against Elam and 
Babylonia, crossing the Persian gulf, and bringing back the 
fugitive gods, 7th year. /. Operates with great vigor against 
Elam, 8th year ; in December compelled by a storm to return 
to Nineveh (Taylor Cyl. IV. 75-79, Nebbi-yunus inscr. I. 42- 
43). g. Elam and Babylonia more formidable than ever, but 
terribly defeated, 9th year. h. The Elamites dethrone Assur- 
nadin suma, 11th year. ^. Sennacherib again conquers Baby- 
lon and devastates Elam, 12th year. j. Slain by his son, 24th 
day of 10th month ; insurrection in Assyria to 2nd day of 12th 



280 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 



month (Bab. Chron. cf. 2 Ki. xix. 37) ; nominal accession of 
Esar-baddon, 24tli year. k. Early in his reign Esar-haddon 
operated against Sidon ; in undated inscriptions he claims 
Manasseh and all the neighboring kings as tributary. I. Sidon 
finally subdued, 5th year (Bab. Chron.). m. In Egypt, 6th 
year (Bab. Chron.). n. Severe and decisive fighting in Egypt. 
lOth year. o. At death of Esar-haddon, accession of Assur- 
bani-pal in Assyria and Saul-suma-yakina in Babylon (Bab. 
Chron.) ; the gods of Accad move from the city of Assur to 
Babylon ; to your Assyrian column add 42 years for Assur- 
bani-pal. p. Death of Tirhakah of Egypt, B. C. 664 (Apis- 
stelae, Schrader on Nahum iii. 8). q. Earlier, Assur bani- 
pal invaded Egypt, took tribute from Judah and 21 other 
kingdoms on the way, and captured Thebes, after which Tir- 
hakah revolted, r After Tirhakah's death, Assur-bani-pal 
sacked Thebes, and subdued Egypt and Ethiopia, s. Some 
years later. Saul-suma-yukina fomented rebellion among the 
peoples of Syria and the coast, t. The 20th year of Saul- 
suma-yukina, Assur- bani-pal captured Babylon by a terrible 
seige, and caused him to die by fire. u. Later he took ven- 
geance on his brother's ' allies, including ultimately the 
peoples of the seacoast. v. Downfall of Nineveh B. C. 607. 

279. Dated Judaite events. — a. Invasion by Sennacherib 
(Qu. 278b). h. Agriculture resumed (2 Ki. xix. 29). c. Ven- 
geance on Sennacherib (2 Ki. xix. 7, 28, 9, 32-33, 35-37). d. 
Manasseh born (2 Ki. xxi. 1). e. Carried to Babylon (2 
Chron. xxxiii. 11). /. Return and reformation (xxxiii 13). 
g. Josiah born (2 Ki. xxii. 1). h. Jehoiakim born (2 Ki. 
xxiii. 36). i. Jehoahaz born (xxiii. 31). j. Josiah begins to 
seek God (2 Chron. xxxiv. 3). k. Begins reform (ibid.), l. 
His great passover (2 Ki. xxii. 3 sq., 2 Chron. xxxiv. 8sq.) 
m. The long number in Jos. Ant. X. iv. 4 n. Birth of Zede- 
kiah (2 Ki. xxiv. 18). o. Of Jehoiachin (xxiv. 8). 

280. Prophets. — Isaiah ; Nahum (iii. 8-10 and Qu. 278r) ; 
Zephaniah, beginning of Josiah' s reign; Habakkuk ; Jere- 
miah (i. 2. XXV. 3, 1). 

281. The external history. — Sketch the principal events. 



BABYLONIAN PERIOD. 281 

282. Assyrian long numbers. — a. A tablet of Sennacherib, 
quoting a tablet of Rimman-nirari as having been buried and 
found again after 101 years {Assyr. Canon pp. 77, 205). h. 
In Sennacherib's Bavian inscription. {[\. 48-50, Rec. of Fast 
IX. 21 sq.), he speaks of bringing back the gods that had been 
in Babylon 418 years, from the time of Mardiik-nadin-akhi, 
king of Akkad, and Tiglath-pileser king of Assyria, c. There 
are other instances, of the times of Nabonidus, going back to 
earlier times {Rec. of Past ^ new series. III and V). Such data 
tend to prove that the later Assyrian scribes held the eponym 
list, as we have it, to be continuous. See Qu. 241. 



LECTURE XXXYIL 
The Babyloin^ian Period. 



283. Chronological standard. — Fill out your column of the 
Canon of Ptolemy with 43 years for Nebuchadnezzar, 2 for 
Evil-merodach, 4 for Neriglissar, and 17 for Nabonidus, and 
extend the columns A. Di. and B. C. to the same limit. The 
Assyrian column is now to be discontinued. 

284. Regnal years and dated events. — a. To the years of 
Jehoiakim add those of Zedekiah (2 Ki. xxiv. 18). h. The 
expedition of Pharaoh necho (2 Ki. xxiii. 29, Jos. Ant. X. v. 
1). c. The three months of Jehoahaz (2 Ki. xxiii. 31). d. 
Daniel and others carried into exile (Dan. i. 1). e. Battle of 
Carchemish (Jer. xxv. 1, 3, xlvi. 1, 2, Jos. Ant. X. vi. 1). /. 
Baruch writes and reads a book of Jeremiah's prophecies 
(xxxvi. 1 sq., xlv. 1 sq.) g. Baruch' s book again (Jer. xxxvi. 
9-32). h. Jehoiakim rebels (2 Ki. xxiv. 1, Jos. Ant. X. vi. 
2). i. Daniel expounds Nebuchadnezzar's dream (Dan. ii. 1, 
i. 5, 18). j. Jehoiakim revolts again (Jos. Ant. X. vi. 1). k. 
3023 persons deported (Jer. lii. 28). I. Short reign of Jehoia- 
chin ; the great deportation (2 Ki. xxiv. 6-16, etc. ). m. Jere- 
miah's letter (xxix). n. His prophecy concerning Elam (xlix. 
34, 39). o. Zedekiah' s special act of homage (Jer. li. 59). p. 



283 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

Ezekiel's first prophecies (i. 2). q. Jerusalem invested (2 Ki. 
XXV. 1). r. 832 persons deported (Jer. lii. 29). s. Egyptian 
interference (Jer. xxxvii, Ezek. xxix). t. Fiery furnace 
(Sept. of Dan. iii. 1). u. Jerusalem taKen and burned (2 Ki. 
XXV, etc.) V. Gedaliah ; the flight to Egypt, etc. (Jer. xl- 
xliv). w. Y45 persons deported (Jer. lii. 30). x. Nebuchad- 
nezzar in his 37th year invades Egypt, y. Release of Jehoi- 
achin (2 Ki. xxv. 27-30, Jer. lii. 31-34.) 

285. The Mstory.—SketGh it {Old Test. Stud., June 1888) 

286. Chronological points. — a. The first year of "our cap- 
tivity" (2Ki. xxv. 27, Jer. lii. 31, Ezek. i. 2, xxxiii. 21, xl. 1) 
is the ] 1th of Jehoiakim. The other numerals in Ezekiel (e. g. 
xxiv. 1 cf . 2 Ki. xxv. 1 ; or xxvi. 1 cf . 2 Ki. xxv. 2) count the 
first year of Zedekiah as the first year. b. 390 (Ezek. iv. 5). 
c. 40 (Ezek. iv. 6). d. 130 years, 6 months, 10 days (Jos. Ant. 
X. ix. 7). e. 470i cf . 80 (X. viii. 5, YIII. vii. 8). /. 514^ (X. 
viii. 4). g. 5144 -f-18=532i (XI. iv. 8, some copies, cf. YI. 
xiv. 9). 



PAUT IV. 

PERIOD OF RESTORED SANCTUARY—FROM 
BURNING OF TEMPLE. 



LECTURE XXXVIII. 

The Persian Period. Building of Second Temple. 

287. Chronological standard. — Extend your column of the 
C. of Pt. to include the 9 years of Cyrus, the 8 of Cambyses, 
the 36 of Darius Hystaspis, the 21 of Xerxes, the 41 of Arta- 
xerxes Longimanus, the 19 of Darius Nothus, the 46 of Arta- 
xerxes Mnemon, the 21 of Artaxerxes Ochus, the 2 of Arogus, 
the 4 of Darius Codomannus, the 8 of Alexander the great ; 
and extend accordingly your columns A. Di. and B. C. 



ISRAEL AND JUDAH IN EXILE. 283 

288. Extrahiblical sources. — a. 1 Esdras. Remove v. 7— 
73a, and insert it after ii. 15, and it will then at once become 
evident that the book is merely free translation of parts of 
Chronicles, Ezra and Nehemiah, with the story of Zerubba- 
bel's victory in debate added, h. Inscriptions concerning 
Cyrus {Rec. of Past ^ new series, Y. 144 sq.. Old and New Test. 
Stud, for July and Sept. 1889, pp. 34, 35, 171, and the refer- 
ences given in these), c. The Behistun inscription {Rec. of 
Past, old series, I, YII). d. Other inscriptions, and the Greek 
historians, e. Particularly the citations in Jos. Ant. XII. xi, 
and Cont. Ap. 19-20. 

289. The Israel of the exile. — The deportations by Nebu- 
chadnezzar extended over twenty-four years of time, and in- 
cluded, so far as known, a few tens of thousands of people. 
But from the time of Tiglath-pileser onward, the kings of 
Assyria and Babylonia had been deporting Israelites of both 
the northern and southern kingdoms. To all appearance, the 
numbers deported by Tiglath-pileser and Sargon and Sen- 
nacherib were much larger than by Nebuchadnezzar. 

Weigh the following reasons for holding that the earlier 
exiles, from both Israel and Judah, became mingled with 
those of Nebuchadnezzar, constituting the Jewish people, as it 
has ever since existed, a. The known character of the Israel- 
ites for race persistence, h. The geographical statements as 
to where the exiles, from Tiglath-pileser on, were located (1 
Chron. v. 26, 2 Ki. xv. 29, xvii. 6, xviii. 11, Jer. xxiv. 5, 
xxviii. 4, 6, 1. 8, li. 6, Ezek. i. 1, 3, etc.), but also passages that 
represent them as in the north, and as scattered among many 
nations (Jer. xxix. 14, 7, iii. 18, Ezra i. 1, 3, 4, Esth. ii. 6-Q, 
iii. 8, viii. 8-17, etc.). c. Jeremiah's testimony that Israel of 
the ten tribes was living in the north, scattered among the 
nations, in his time (iii. 12, 18, xxxi. 1, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, and very 
many passages), d. His promise that Israel as distinct from 
Judah shall be restored (ibid, and xxxi. 18-20, 1. 19, etc.) e. 
The frequent representation that Judah and Israel are dwell- 
ing together in the north country, and will return together, 
the differences between them being effaced (Ezek. xxxvii. 16- 



384 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

22, Zech. viii. 13, Jer. xxxi, iii. 18, xxx. 3, 1. 20, li. 5, etc.) 
/. Israel after the exile is in various ways represented to be 
the twelve-tribe nation : all the tribes, apocalyptically (Ezek. 
xlviii, Rev. vii) ; the tribes in general (Ezek. xxxvii. 19, xlv. 
8, xlvii. 13, 21, 22, 23, Mat. xix. 28, Lc. xxii. 30, Acts xxvi. 7, 
Jas. i. 1, Rev. xxi. 12, etc.) ; Judah, Benjamin, Levi, Asher 
(Rev. V. 5, Ezra i. 5, Rom. xi. 1, Lc. ii. 36, Acts iv. 36, etc.). 
g. The number of the Jews, as they appear in Ezra, Nehe- 
miah, Esther, is too great to be accounted for by supposing 
that they w^ere all descendants of those whom Nebuchadnez- 
zar carried away. 

290. Belshazzar. — The inscriptions mention him as the son 
of Nabonidus, but say nothing of his being king. Mark his 
reign provisionally, in colored ink, as coinciding with the last 
three years of Nabonidus. 

291. Darius the Mede. — There is no trace of him outside the 
bible. Provisionally regard him as Cyrus under another 
name, and assign to him two years. 

292. Pseudo-Smerdis. — Otherwise known as Gomates, Bar- 
des, etc. Spoken of by the Greek historians, and in the Be- 
histun inscription. He was on the throne part of the last year 
of Cambyses, and a little while in the first year of Darius. 
Mark him in colored ink. Provisionally regard him as the 
Artaxerxes of Ezra iv. 7, Ahasuerus (iv. 6) being Cambyses. 

293. Dated events^ extrahihlical.- -a. Cyrus conquers Media, 
6th year of Nabonidus {Rec. of past, new series, Y. 159). h. 
Captures Babylon "without fighting" in July, B. C. 539. 

294. Dated events^ biblical.— a. Daniel's vision of lion, bear 
leopard and fourth beast (vii). b. Of ram, he goat, etc. (viii). 
c. His prayer for Jerusalem (ix). d. His last vision (x-xii, 
especially x. 1 cf. i. 21). e. Belshazzar's feast (v). /. Lions 
(vi). g. Decree for the return (Ezra i). h. Dedication of 
altar (iii. 1-6). i. Founding of temple (iii. 7-13). j. Work 
suspended (iv. 17-24). k. Work resumed (iv. 24, v. 1-2, Hag. 
i. 12-15). I. Continued and completed (v. 2-vi. 18) m. Pass- 
over (vi. 19-22). n. Five prophecies of Haggai (i. 1, 13, ii. 1, 
10, 20. o. Three dated prophecies of Zechariah (i. 1, 7, vii. 1). 



THE TIMES OF ESTHER. 285 



295. Traditional view of Cyrus. — The idea that he was a 
monotheist and an iconoclast, and that the Babylonians and 
their gods suffered extraordinarily at his hands, is mainly de- 
rived by false inferences from prophecy, and is contradicted 
by the inscriptions. 

296. The history. —Sketch it. 



LECTURE XXXIX. 

The Persian Period. Esther. 

297. The historical value of the book of Esther. — Consists 
mainly in the situation presented., and is independent of the 
question whether the story is itself history or fiction. 

298. Dated events. — a. Defeat of the generals of Darius by 
the Greeks at Marathon, B. C. 490. b. Revolt of Egypt from 
Persia, and accession of Xerxes, 486 B. C. (Herodotus Polym- 
nia 1-4.) c. He reconquers Egypt, his 1st and 2nd years 
(ibid. b-^). d. Prepares to invade Greece, 2nd to 5th years 
(ibid. 7-19). e. His feast, and Yashti deposed (Esth. i, espec- 
ially ver. 3). /. Defeated at Salamis, September of 480 B. C. 
("Persia" in Encyc. Brit.) g. Remembers Yashti (Esth. ii, 
especially 16, 12). h. Mardonius defeated at Platsea, Sept. 
479 B. C. i. Esther taken to the house of Xerxes (ii. 16). j. 
Haman casting lots (iii. 7, 12); Mordecai's letter sent out 
(viii. 9) ; the days of destruction (iii. 13, viii. 12, ix. 1, 15-19). 

299. Situation m Palestine. — For 57 years we have no 
direct information. Prom the condition of things found by 
Ezra and Nehemiah, we must infer that the history had not 
been one of rapid or uninterrupted progress. 

300. Condition of the Jews out of Palestine. — a. In all lands 
from India to Ethiopia, among peoples of different races and 
languages (iii. 8, 12, 14, viii. 9, ix. 30). b. Very numerous 
(ibid, and ix. 6, 15, 16, etc.). c. Many of them rich and influ- 
ential (iii. 9, viii. 15, and the whole account), d. Faithful to 
their own laws (iii. 8). e. Receiving proselytes (viii. 17). 



LECTURE XL. 
The Persian Period. Ezra ai^d Nehemiah. 

SOI. Dated events. — Enter the details in each instance, a. 
Ezra goes to Jerusalem (vii. "/-O, viii. 31-33). b. The convoca- 
tion in the rain (x. 9). c. The trying of the cases for marry- 
ing foreign wives (x. 16, 17). d. Nehemiah hears bad news 
(i. 1 sq.). e. Gfoes to Jerusalem, repairs the v^all^ holds the 
great convocation (ii. 1, v. 14, vi. 15, viii. 2, 13, 18, ix. 1.) /. 
Arranges for permanent services, and for bringing inhabitants 
to Jerusalem (x. 32-xi. 2.) 

302. Ezra. — He was probably an old man when he first went 
to Jerusalem; a typical "scribe" of the law of Israel ; a 
proof that Israelites in exile were paying great attention to 
the sacred v^ritings and customs of the nation ; but not a 
success in administration. 

303. Nehemiah. — At the beginning of his career a mere boy, 
a king's page, but with rare administrative gifts; doubtless 
guiding himself by Ezra's great learning and by Ezra's views 
of the law ; succeeding where Ezra failed. 

304. The condition of Israel.— Ezra, found the temple and 
its service in operation, but on a mean and unworthy scale, 
and took up with him trained Levites and large resources for 
making it more magnificent. Apparently, he also found Je- 
rusalem fortified, and the Jews with a quasi political exist- 
ence, as one of the subject peoples of the Persian empire. 
But they had given up the zeal which they showed in Zerub- 
babel's time for keeping themselves separate, and were inter- 
marrying with other peoples. The implication is pretty dis- 
tinct that the Palestine Jews were inferior to the Babylonian 
in wealth, standing, character and zeal for the national usages, 
. Nehemiah found Judaea in great calamities, probably re- 
sulting from the hostility of the relatives of the foreign wives 
whom Ezra had caused to be put away. 

305. The law. — The distinctive feature of the reform made 
by Ezra and Nehemiah consisted in their enforcing "the law 



NEHEMIAH. 387 

of Moses" as the law of the Persian empire for Judaea. It is 
commonly assumed that this law was the pentateuch ; but 
this has very important limitations : a. The accounts make 
no sharp distinctions between the pentateuch and the other 
sacred writings (Neh. ix, e. g.). h. Many of the most import- 
ant matters which they enforced are not in the pentateuch : 
the courses of priests and Levites ; singers ; gatekeepers ; 
Nethinim ; public song in the sanctuary service ; public 
prayer ; public fasting ; the place Casiphia ; the prohibition 
of foreign marriages in the form in which they used it, etc. 
c. They made new regulations, suited to the time, but differ- 
ent from any in the pentateuch (Neh. x, e. g.) . 
306. The history. —Sketch, it. 



LECTURE XLl. 
Peesiai^ Period. Second Admi]n^istratio]s^ of Nehemiah. 

307. The closing sections of Nehemiah. — The narrative of 
ISTehemiah's first administration closes with xi. 2. Then fol- 
lows a series of genealogical notes (xi. 3-xii. 26). All that 
follows belongs to his second administration. And the genea- 
logical notes include certain notices of events in his second 
administration. 

308. Dates for the second administration.— Nehemmh. re- 
turned to the king 433 B. C. We have no statement as to 
when he came back to Palestine, or how long his second ad- 
ministration lasted. It is certain, however, that he came 
back within a few years, for Ezra was yet alive (Neh. xii. 36). 
Josephus says that he lived to a great old age, a statement 
probable in itself, and confirmed by all the evidence. Hence 
his second administration may have lasted fifty years or 
more. 

309. The events.— a. The dedication of the wall, the renewed 
provision for the service, and the renewed expulsion of for- 
eigners (xii. 27-xiii. 14). b. Sabbath reform (15-22;. c. Re- 



288 CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 

newed struggle against foreign wives (23-31). d. Various 
events (Qu. 310). 

310. The latest event in the genealogical notes. — a. 1 Chron. 
ix. 2 sq. is in part a duplicate of Neh. xi. 2 sq., and brings 
the events up to the same point with Neh. xi. 3-xii. 26. First, 
Sallu of "sons of Benjamin" (ix. 7 and xi. 7). Second, same 
priests (ix. 10 and xi. 10-^11, ix. 12 and xi. 12). Third, same 
Levites (ix. 14-16 and xi. 15-17). Fourth, same gatekeepers 
(ix. 17 and xi. 19 cf . xii. 25). h. In these notes are two lists of 
priests : The first contains a table of priests and Levites 
"that v^ent up with Zerubbabel" (Neh. xii. 1-9), followed by 
a table of the high priests from Jeshua to Jaddua (10-11). 
The second list mentions two enrollments, the first "in the 
days of Joiakim " (12-21, especially 12, 26a) ; and the second 
"in the days of Eliashib, Joiada, and Johanan, and Jaddua" 
(22-23). The two lists alike terminate with Jaddua, and his 
enrollment in the succession of the high priests is the latest 
event here mentioned. 

311. The date of this latest event. — a. As the first enroll- 
ment of the second list was in the days of Joiakim, so the 
second was in the days of Nehemiah and Ezra (xii. 12, 26). 
h. The second enrollment is dated : First, in the days of Elia- 
shib and his three successors (22). This is general. Second, 
"up to the days of Johanan the son of Eliashib" (23). This is 
specific. Although the enrollment includes Jaddua, it was 
made before he became highpriest, for it was "up to the days 
of" his father. Third, "upon the kingdom of Darius the 
Persian" (22). This is most naturally Darius Nothus. Efforts 
to identify him with the later Darius fail, for the later Darius 
did not come to the throne till after the days of Johanan. 
An enrollment begun under Nothus might have been carried 
forward under his successor, and that is what this description 
necessarily means, c. This fits the following : First, among 
the gatekeepers connected with the latest enrollment are 
Talmon and Akkub (xii. 25) who are also named in 1 Chron. 
ix. 17 and Neh. xi. 19. Second, among the men in the lists 
common to 1 Chron. ix and Neh. xi are some who were pres- 



LATEST EVENTS. 289 



ent at the dedication of the wall (Neh. xii. 32-43). d. The 
beginning of the pontificate of Johanan is traditionally dated 
abont 371 B. C, about 73 years after jSTehemiah first came to 
Jerusalem, and it is not incredible that he was still alive at 
that date. But a more probable date for the accession of Jo- 
hanan is 404 B. C. See O. T. Studies, Rev. of 1900, Qus. 92, 
97, 98. 

'J'hus the date we obtain for this latest event is early in the 
fourth century B. C, and within the probable lifetime of Ne- 
hemiah. 

312. The latest event mentioned in the narrative. — " And 
there was a son-in-law to Sanballat the Horonite of the sons 
of Joiada the high priest, and I expelled him from me'' (ISTeh. 
xiii. 28). Josephus says that this son-in-law was Manasseh, 
grandson to Joiada, and brother of Jaddua ; that he became, 
with the aid of the Sanballat family, the founder of the Sa- 
maritan religion ; and that the Samaritan temple was built in 
the time of Alexander the Great {Ant. XI. vii). Here as 
often elsewhere, Josephus is mixed in his chronology, and in 
' his identifications of the Persian kings, but is doubtless cor- 
rect in his main facts. 

This latest event of the narrative fits the latest event of the 
genealogical notes (Qu. 310), and explains the one thing that 
there needs explanation, namely, how it came to pass that 
Jaddua was enrolled in the succession of high -priests before 
he came to be high-priest ; for it is natural to think that on 
Manasseh' s marriage and expulsion, Jaddua may have been 
formally enrolled in the succession, in order formally to ex- 
clude Manasseh. See O. T. Studies, Rev. of 1900, Lect. XI. 



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